Political Debates Between Hon. Abraham Lincoln and Hon. Stephen A. Douglas, in the Celebrated Campaign of 1858 in Illinois: Including the Preceding Speeches of Each at Chicago, Springfield, Etc., Also the Two Great Speeches of Mr. Lincoln in Ohio, in 1859, as Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party and Published at the Times of Their DeliveryFollett, Foster, 1860 - 268 páginas |
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abolish Abolition Abolitionism Abolitionists admission adopted agitation amendment answer believe Black Republican charge Chicago citizen clause Clay Compromise measures Congress Convention course of ultimate decide Declaration of Independence Democratic party deny doctrine domestic institutions Douglas's Dred Scott decision election equality exclude slavery exist fact fathers favor Freeport friends Fugitive Slave law Government hold Illinois institution of slavery interrogatories Judge Douglas Judge Trumbull Kansas Kentucky Lecompton Constitution legislation Legislature Lincoln Missouri Missouri Compromise nation Nebraska bill negro never North opinion opposed passed platform pledged political popular sovereignty President principle prohibit proposition public mind race regard Republican party resolutions slaveholding slavery question South speech Springfield stand submitted suppose Supreme Court tell Territory thing tion to-day Toombs bill true ultimate extinction Union United States Senate vote Whig party wrong
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Página 1 - We are now far into the fifth year, since a policy was initiated with the avowed object, and confident promise, of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease, until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. "A house divided against itself cannot stand.
Página 79 - Measures, is hereby declared inoperative and void : it being the true intent and meaning of this act, not to legislate slavery into any territory or state, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the constitution of the United States...
Página 228 - A house divided against itself cannot stand." I believe this Government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved, I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push...
Página 241 - I do not understand that because I do not want a negro woman for a slave, I must necessarily want her for a wife. My understanding is that I can just let her alone. I am now in my fiftieth year, and I certainly never have had a black woman for either a slave or a wife. So it seems to me quite possible for us to get along without making either slaves or wives of negroes.
Página 250 - Can the people of a United States Territory, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of a State constitution?
Página 136 - I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races — that 1 am not nor ever have been in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people...
Página 48 - The constitution vests the whole judicial power of the United States in one Supreme Court, and such inferior courts as congress shall, from time to time, ordain and establish.
Página 193 - I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people ; and I will say in addition to this that there is a physical difference between the white and black races which I believe will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality.
Página 225 - This they said and this they meant. They did not mean to assert the obvious untruth, that all were then actually enjoying that equality, nor yet that they were about to confer it immediately upon them. In fact, they had no power to confer such a boon. They meant simply to declare the right, so that the enforcement of it might follow as fast as circumstances should permit.
Página 194 - I hold that notwithstanding all this there is no reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence, — the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. I hold that he is as much entitled to these as the white man.