Besides, supposing his Lordship accepted your terms, experience has proved, that chance is often as much concerned, in deciding these matters, as bravery; and always more than the justice of the cause.

I would not, therefore, have your life, by the remotest possibility, exposed, when it may be reserved for so many greater occasions.

His Excellency, the Admiral,* I flatter myself, will be in sentiment with me; and, as soon as he can spare you, will send you to head-quarters, where I anticipate the pleasure of seeing you.

1778.

sen

The coincidence between your Excellency's timents, respecting the Marquis de Lafayette's challenge, communicated in the letter with which you honored me on the 20th,† and those which I expressed to him, on the same subject, is peculiarly flattering

to me.

I am happy to find, that my disapprobation of this measure was founded on the same arguments, which, in your Excellency's hands, acquire new force and persuasion.

1778.

I omitted neither serious reasoning nor pleasantry, to divert him from a scheme in which he could be so easily foiled, without having any credit given to him, by his antagonist, for his generosity and sensibility. He intimated, that your Excellency did not discoun† October, 1778.

* Count D'Estaing.

tenance it, and that he had pledged himself, to the principal officers of the French squadron, to carry it into execution.

The charms of vindicating the honor of his coun y were irresistible. But, besides, he had, in a manner, committed himself, and could not decently retract. I continued to lay my friendly commands upon him, to renounce his project; but I was well assured, that, if he determined to persevere in it, neither authority nor vigilance would be .of any avail, to prevent his message to Lord Carlisle.

Though his ardor overreached my advice and influence, I console myself with the reflection, that his Lordship will not accept the challenge; and that, while our friend gains all the applause which is due to him, for wishing to become the champion of his country, he will be secure from the possibility of such dangers as my fears would otherwise create for him, by those powerful barriers which shelter his Lordship, and which, I am persuaded, he will not, in the present instance, violate.

1778.

PLEASURES OF BENEVOLENCE.

The reflections which arise on justice and benevolence, will be lastingly grateful.

*This proved to be the case.

NATIONAL GOOD WILL TO MAN.

Harmony and good will towards men, must be the basis of every political establishment.

FELLOWSHIP OF THE FREE.

The cause of virtue and liberty is confined to no continent or climate. It comprehends, within its capacious limits, the wise and good, however dispersed and separated in space and distance.

COMPREHENSIVE BENEVOLENCE.

We do not wish to be the only people, who may taste the sweets of an equal and good government. We look, with an anxious eye, to the time, when happiness and tranquillity shall prevail, and when all Europe shall be freed from commotions, tumults, and alarms.

1791.

III. PATRIOTISM.

Perhaps there never was another man, whose personal character and conduct exercised an influence, so powerful and so beneficial, on the destiny of a great nation. JAMES GRAHAME.

Can tyrants but by tyrants conquered be,
And freedom find no champion and no child,
Such as Columbia saw arise, when she

Sprung forth a Pallas, arm'd and undefil'd?
Or must such minds be nourish'd in the wild,
Deep in the unpruned forest, 'midst the roar
Of cataracts, where nursing nature smiled
On infant WASHINGTON? Has earth no more

Such seeds within her breast, or Europe no such shore?

LORD BYRON.

He changed mankind's ideas of political greatness.

FISHER AMES.

THE PATRIOT CHIEF.

As the Congress desire it, I will enter upon the momentous duty,* and exert every power I possess, in their service, and for the support of the glorious

cause.

1775.

*Commander-in-chief.

THE COUNTRY'S CALL.

I was summoned by my country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love.

I have obeyed a summons, to which I can never be insensible.

When my country demands the sacrifice, personal ease must always be a secondary consideration.

THE PATRIOT'S VOW.

The love of my country will be the ruling influence of my conduct.

1789.

THE RULERS GLORY AND THE PEOPLE'S HAPPINESS.

It is a wonder to me, that there should be found a single monarch, who does not realize, that his own glory and felicity must depend on the prosperity and happiness of his people.

How easy is it for a sovereign, to do that, which shall not only immortalize his name, but attract the blessings of millions!