The following Gentlemen appeared as Delegates from their respective Societies, and took their seats: GOVERNOR BELL, from the State Society of NewHampshire; Colonel ALLEN McLANE, Wilmington Auxiliary So ciety, Delaware; Mr. EDWARD KIRK, Theological Seminary, at Princeton; Hon. C. F. MERCER, Auxiliary Society of Richmond and Manchester; Major PILLSBOROUGH, and Mr. G. P. DISOSWAY, Auxiliary Society of Petersburg; Hon. WM. S. ARCHER, of Amelia county Society, Virginia; Hon. SAMUEL LATHROP, from Hampden county, Mass. Hon. WM. SMITH, Greenbriar county Society, Virginia; Hon. ROBERT LEEDS KERR, from the Society of Talbot county, Eastern Shore, Maryland. The Annual Report of the Board of Managers was then read by the Resident Agent, Mr. Gurley. The Hon. C. F. MERCER then offered to the meeting the following Resolution, which was adopt ed. Resolved, That the Report of the Board of Managers, just read, be adopted, and that it be printed under their direction. WM. H. FITZHUGH, Esq. then rose and said, that he should submit to the consideration of the meeting a series of Resolutions which were designed to explain, as far as Resolutions could do, the real character and designs of that institution, whose anniversary they were now assembled to celebrate. (Of the impressive and eloquent speech of this Gentleman, we can give only an abstract.) An explanation of the real objects of the Society he considered at all times desirable, but much more so at the present moment, when the institution had drawn to its operations a considerable portion of the public attention. The scheme of the Society had become the subject of Legislative consideration in upwards of three fourths of the states composing the Union, and a very general expectation was prevailing throughout the country, which was, he hoped, not to be disappointed, that they were now about to take a step, which, from the beginning, they had announced it was their intention to take to ask the assistance of the government of the country to this great enterprise. On such an occasion it was proper that they should appear in their real character. It was due to themselves, to remove the imputations which had been cast on them by ignorance and prejudice, and it was due to the country to make a full, fair and candid exposition of the real objects at which they aimed, and the means necessary to carry those objects into execution. The Society he thought had reason to congratulate itself in the progress it had made in public opinion, yet it could not be insensible to the fact, that while making this progress, which had far exceeded his anticipations, it had encountered, in almost every section of the country, opposition and objections. In reply to the insinuations thrown out against. the Society, Mr. F. said, they might content themselves by referring to the materials of which it was composed. It included amongst its members some of the most able statesmen from the East, West, North and South. They might refer to their publications-to their annual reports. But there is still another mode left of proving the falsity of these accusations; it is to proclaim aloud, through the instrumentality of your government, what are your real objects. Go before the nation with the assistance of Congress, and avail yourself of the opportunity of a memorial, which will penetrate into every corner of the country, and declare your objects to be what you declared them to be from the beginning-The removal from your country of such people of colour as are already free, and of such others as the humanity of individuals or the laws of the different states shall hereafter liberate. Such is your real object, and we feel prepared to recommend its consideration to the people inhabiting every section of our country: we feel the only means that exist are presented to us for the removal from our territory of a population whose evils are felt and acknowledged in every portion of the country, and the only means by which a still more degraded population can ever be withdrawn. Mr. Fitzhugh here spoke of the evil of a class of persons suddenly emerged from a state of slavery, and carrying with it the feelings and habits of that condition. There is no section of the country, said he, that will refuse to unite with us in endeavouring to remove it-there is no section of the country that does not feel sensibly the inconvenience and horrors of being obliged to enact a particular system of laws for one portion of freemen, whilst the others are subject to the general law of the land. Such unhappily is the case; but there is a necessity for it, and so long as they remain amongst us will that necessity continue; and there will be the anomaly in a republican government of a class of freemen enjoying none of the privileges and advantages of freedom. Is it either safe or prudent to retain amongst us a large population, on whom we can place no reliance, but from the control which the laws exercise over it? can this class be animated by any feelings of patriotism towards a country by which they feel themselves oppressed? They are not trained for the defence of the country, nor do we look to any period when they are to be called on to make any exertion for it. But it is the misfortune of a great portion of this country still to acknowledge the evils of slavery. The influence of this class, imposes on the master the necessity of exercising with the greatest rigor, the power which the law has confided to him, and imposes on the legislature of the country, the necessity of increasing ten-fold the rigor of that law. It is known to a large portion of this meeting, that there is hardly a state in the Union, in which slavery exists, in which it is not found necessary to restrain and in some cases to prohibit emancipation, from fear that the evil will increase; nor will the people of the north consider the object of the Society less national because it is at first in a manner sectional. It will give strength and vigor to the whole country-there is but one sentiment throughout the country. Though the measures we propose may be somewhat sectional, they will be national in their results, and are entitled to the national consideration and to the national assistance. The greatest objection, said Mr. Fitzhugh, which I have found to occur in any part of the Union, is growing in a measure from a misconception on this subject. It is said that you who are about moving one hundred or two hundred to the coast of Africa, have undertaken the important task of moving a population which consists of millions. Now this is not the fact, as can be shown from the first organization of this Society. It has always been declared by those authorized to speak on this subject, that you did ultimately look to the resources of the nation to accomplish your object. Will any one pretend to say that those powers and resources are inadequate to the end? Will any one say that a nation like ours, spreading over one hundred millions of acres, which has risen from nothing to its present important situation in the course of a few years-that a nation so fertile in resourses should be incapable of accomplishing-what? Why the removal of one fifth of its population to another region. What will be the cost of : 1 removing the annual increase of our coloured population, estimated at 40,000? I am informed that the cost of the last transportation was not more than twenty dollars a head, and a commercial company in Baltimore has undertaken to carry out any number of individuals at that rate. The cost then of removing the 40,000, would be eight hundred thousand dollars, or to speak in round numbers one million, which would enable you to go somewhat beyond the annual increase. The tonnage of the United States amounts to seven or eight hundred thousand. Not more than seventy or eighty thousand tons however would be demanded for the transportation of the number just mentioned. This would give employment to our shipping and to the industry of our citizens. It is objected that this species of our population refuse to emigrate. But the history of our own country furnishes indisputable evidence, that where adequate motives exist for emigration, it will take place. Recollect the recent emigration to Hayti when invited to that Island: six thousand coloured persons in a few weeks were ready to embark. Let the arm of our government be stretched out for the defence of our African Colony, and this objection will no longer exist. There, and there alone, the coloured man can enjoy the motives for honourable exertion. It is said, that for Congress to protect this Colony, will be to adopt the Colonial system. But this Colony will be founded for a peculiar purpose. Its origin will be in the humanity and christian benevolence of the country. Its dependence upon this government will be temporary. The connection will exist only so long as required by necessity, only until the Colony shall be adequate to its own subsistence and to self government. He was sorry to say there were other constitutional objections entertained, by many gentlemen from his own state; but he be |