with Mr. Jackson, who was asked what their master had to expect from the General, in case he should be elected by their co-operation. Either Jackson did not choose to deliver himself into the hands of Mr. Clay, or having no particular fancy for Mr. Clay, as Secretary of State, he declined making any offers. The Representatives of Kentucky had been directed by their respective States to give their votes, in the present case, without any condition, to Jackson. To ensure their fidelity, they were obliged to act in accordance with the Speaker, whose enmity to Adams seemed to them the surest means of securing his election.

Political enmities and friendships have this much in common, that their duration is just so long as the parties find it to suit their purposes. If the nation has no other guarantee for the fidelity of its servants, its interests are in bad hands: unfortunately there was none.

The very circumstance which separated the political antagonists was the cause of their unionambition. Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay found out and understood one another. The very men who but a week before hated each other most cordially, and never met except on public and unavoidable occasions, now spent whole nights together in a clandestine manner. In what light the nation

would view these proceedings, on the part of men of their character, there could be no question : Adams and Clay had succeeded in dispelling the prejudices about the rights of the people. A formal bargain was concluded, which gave the nation for the term of four years into the hands of Mr. Adams. The stipulated price for which the Speaker bound himself to join Mr. Adams was the Secretaryship of State. This being agreed to, Mr. Clay, with his friends, went over to Mr. Adams and his party.

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In order to prepare the minds of his constituents, and to exculpate himself for his accession to the party of Adams, Clay addressed a letter to Colonel W. in Kentucky, desiring it to be published, expressing his scruples in regard to Jackson, and the necessity of declaring for Adams. The subsequent election gave to Crawford four votes, to Jackson seven, and to Adams thirteen votes, and, of course, the Presidency.

To describe the temper of the nation after these events is scarcely in my power. The suppressed malicious smile of the Tories, who dared not manifest their mischievous joy at their victory; the republican Federalist doubtfully shaking his head at the triumph of a party which not many years

before actually intended to sell their country; the simple Democrat who had but an obscure idea of the whole proceedings, and was unable to comprehend how the great gentlemen could have been so blind as to prefer a Tory to the second Washington (Jackson); the Radicals, finally, who had conceived, from Jackson's elevation, very sanguine hopes respecting offices, and now saw themselves so cruelly disappointed, loudly denouncing treachery, and crying out for civil warsuch were the scenes that might everywhere be witnessed. The power which the law certainly exercises upon the citizen of the United States (at least the northern) was, on this occasion, seen to advantage. Notwithstanding the disappointment of his fondest hopes, he attempted not the least opposition to the object of his hatred, who was now elected his first magistrate. There were several exhibitions and illuminations, at which Mr. Clay was hung, and afterwards burnt in effigy, while John Adams was mentioned in rather less honourable terms; but that was all. The nation expected further light, and obtained it.

The first glimpse of the proceedings between Messrs. Adams and Clay was obtained through a

letter written by Mr. Cramer, member of Congress from the state of Pennsylvania, which appeared in the Colombian Observer, and alluded to nightly interviews held at Washington, between Messrs. Adams, Clay, and their parties. Clay, to whom a printed copy of this letter was sent, answered in a truly Kentuckian style, in the most abusive language and with a challenge, at the same time citing Cramer before the House of Representatives.

Cramer declined appearing before this assembly. He was not, however, a man calculated to unravel the intricacies of this plot, or to make head against the two gentlemen (Adams and Clay), and the whole proceeding terminated in a manner puerile and discreditable to the Pennsylvanian members of Congress.

Clay, however, notwithstanding the superior talents which cannot be denied him, was little sensible of the inconsistency of which he was guilty in publishing his circular to his constituents, or he would have known that the very tone of mind in which he composed this letter, was his strongest accuser. Nothing but the Kentuckian arrogance, with which he looks down upon the military chieftain, Jackson, and the ineffable

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contempt with which he treats the effusions of popular discontent in the smaller towns, could equal the treachery to the people, of which he was accused. The correspondence occasioned by this letter of Mr. Clay, and the reminiscences which it now revived in the minds of the honourable members, needed nothing more than confirmation on the part of Mr. Adams himself, who was not backward in giving it, and in thus stating the price for which the first magistracy was obtained.