in their endeavours to engage the United States in their interest, was to be foreseen, so it was not less natural, that their invitation should be attended to, and that directions should be given to their accredited ministers already sent to the new Republics, to repair to the appointed place of meeting. Great Britain had done the same in regard to European Congresses. If, however, the President of the United States has the intention of forming an alliance with, or of putting himself at the head of the new States, a measure for the accomplishment of which preliminary steps have undoubtedly been taken (as still more forcibly appear from his message, from the tone in which he fancies himself to soar above Washington's policy, and from the enthusiastic sympathy which he seems to feel in the fate and fortunes of South America), nothing but the circumstance of having future sovereignty in view, can account for such an infatuation in a statesman, who is fully conscious, that, by pursuing it, he endangers the very Union.

When Monroe, in his message of 1823, declared "that the United States would consider any attempt on the part of the European powers to extend their system to any portion of this hemi

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sphere as dangerous to our peace and safety"there was then every reason to apprehend an armed interference of the Holy Alliance in South American affairs. Spain, at the time alluded to, still possessed armies and strong holds on the American Continent: a timely and powerful succour on the part of the Holy Alliance, and especially of France, would have been likely to decide the contest in her favour. This is not the case at the present time. The Spanish armies are no more; they have been annihilated or taken prisoners; their fortresses are in the hands of the new States. The manly and welltimed declaration of Mr. Monroe, combined with that of England, had the desired effect of operating as a salutary check against the intentions of the Holy Alliance.

The re-conquest of the South American States by Spain, even with the assistance of the Holy Alliance, is an event no longer to be apprehended. The independence of South America is secured against Europe. The same position which was assumed by England with respect to the Holy Alliance and their Congresses, is the proper position of the United States against their antipodes, the military Republics of the

south, composed of the elements of the Spanish character. As the King of England could not have made common cause with the Powers of Europe after the fall of Napoleon, without disregarding the fundamental principles of the English constitution, so the administration of the United States cannot form closer engagements with the Republics of the south, without violating the foundation of the principle of North American liberty,-the Sovereignty of the people.

The form of these Republics, as they call themselves, is a military oligarchy. The sovereignty is not in the people, but in the government, or rather in the dictator. Sooner or later they will become monarchical: religion, education, character, all conduce to this end. The establishment of such a form of government, has only been prevented by the hatred in which the monarchical system has been hitherto held. Time and the influence of the priests will soften that hatred, and prepare the way; and if Mr. Adams, who is notorious for never having acknowledged the sovereignty of the people, is permitted to join this confederacy, the United States are most likely to reap the same effects from this

unholy compact, as the nations of Europe have experienced from their Holy Alliance. The position of the United States, in regard to foreign powers, becomes no less critical. They place themselves at the head of a union, in direct opposition to the Old World, taking part against it, and even against Great Britain, which maintains a strict neutrality. When a country embarks in a new measure of so much delicacy and hazard, it is not in its power to say how far it may or may not justly provoke a third nation to acts of hostility. How long the good understanding of these powers will continue, is uncertain; and it is very questionable whether this demonstration of arrogance, in putting themselves at the head of South American affairs, will not provoke the jealousy of Great Britain. If the United States came out of the last war with honour, they may thank their Perrys, their Bainbridges, and their Jacksons, though the miniature victories of these leaders were but a small compensation for the blows inflicted by their opponents. That the Union was not dissolved, may be ascribed to Madison. The same success cannot be expected from an administration raised by the assistance of the very party, which in the last war thought

it more to their interest to join the New England States to Canada, and to sell themselves to Great Britain, in order to save their commerce.

It is quite incomprehensible why the nation should be exposed to such dangers for the sake of an alliance with States, which were as much under the control of Monroe, as the Holy Alliance is under that of Great Britain. The United States have at no time assumed a higher station, nor spoken in a more dignified tone, than under Monroe, whose well-timed moderation was blended with a due regard to the nation's character and honour. This commanding elevation has been abandoned by the present administration for an unnatural alliance with Republics, which, from their religion, manners, and situation, must ever hate the superiority and detest the principles of the United States, and are destined by nature to become their antagonists. That the Spanish character will never harmonize with that of the descendants of the English, may be seen from the conduct of the Mexican Government. At the time when the Government of Mexico called upon the administration of the United States to fulfil the memorable pledge given by the President in his message to Con