in our limits, whose condition, (necessary condition, I will not deny) is so much at war with our institutions, and with that memorable national declaration "that all men are created equal."

In conclusion, what cause is so well suited as the American Colonization Society, to make a powerful appeal to the American Christian? For it is not only the 2,000,000 of blacks in our country, whose spiritual interests it invites him to serve-but it is the hundred millions of immortal beings in Africa, to whom it gives him access. And Africa must be Christianized. When I look at the sins of our country against her, I feel how needful it is for our own sake, that she be Christianized that she be taught that divine art of forgiveness, which belongs to the Christian only.

Mr. Smith then offered the following resolution, which was

adopted.

Resolved, That the American Colonization Society commends itself to great favor by the immense benefits it is conferring on Africa, and by the happy and powerful influences which these benefits must reflect on the direct operations of the Society.

Mr. DODDRIDGE, of Virginia, said,

Mr. PRESIDENT: Not being a delegate to this meeting, I hardly know whether I have a right to offer a Resolution. I have not risen to make an address but to offer a few remarks of a general nature. I have heard much which I highly approve and some things, the utterance of which I regret. Enough has passed to convince all of the duty to aid the designs of this Society. Enough has been said and done by this Society to demonstrate the practicability of its scheme, at no very remote period. While convineed of the duty to promote this enterprise, the means and the constitutionality of applying them are plain and obvious. You, Sir, know that this is not an opinion of mine, of to-day, or of yesterday. Circumstances lead me to mention one historical fact, new perhaps to some. Whatever may be the opinions of others, and of your fellow-citizens of Virginia, as to the necessity and morality of acting, and as to the means required and to be sought, there was a time when the Legislative Councils of Virginia were unanimous. Twenty-three, twenty-five, and twenty-seven years ago, Resolutions were adopted by both Houses of the General Assembly of Virginia, in secret session, which had for their object to call on the President of the United States, to use the treaty-making power, for the acquisition of a Territory in Africa, which might contain the black population of the United States. You have seen the record of these votes, by which, in solemn secret session, the united Councils of Virginia decided as to the duty of acting and the modus operandi. Fifteen years ago the power of the General Government was invoked by Virginia for this object, with almost Legislative unanimity. I deem it unnecessary to add to what has been already said. This Resosolution will look to the means of acting. While it acknowledges the in adequacy of the present means of the Society, it invokes the Friends of this Institution to press upon the State Legislatures and upon the Congress of the United States the importance of the object and to solicit of them the aids necessary for its accomplishment. In relation to the form in which this aid shall be obtained, I believe that many if not a majority of the citizens of Virginia would be willing to be taxed heavily to aid this Institution. None who know the general feeling will doubt that a tax would be cheerfully borne. I have no constitutional scruples. I would therefore seek the means of prosecuting our enterprise within the avowed and explicit design of the Society, -of acting on such of the colored population now free, or who may become free by no means or

measures of ours.

He then offered the following resolution, which was adopted. Resolved, That as this Society is constitutionally bound to co-operate, as far as practicable, in the prosecution of its object, with the General Government and such of the States as may adopt regulations on the subject; and as its own unaided power is inadequate to complete the work in which it is engaged, it be recommended to the friends of the Society throughout the country, to prepare and send in memorials in behalf of its object to their respective State Legislatures, and to the Congress of the United States.

The Rev. C. COLTON, of Massachusetts, said, Mr. PRESIDENT: In looking at the unnatural relations between the citizens of these States, and our colored population, and in estimating the comparative increase of the numbers and physical strength of the latter, it is natural if not unavoidable for the philanthropist and statesman to feel a deep concern at the aspects, which the facts of the case present. Our slave population is more than 2,000,000, with an annual increase of 60,000, more or less. The free blacks are nearly 300,000, with an annual increase of six or seven thousand. That this is an evil, no man, in his sober senses, can doubt. It is equally true, that it is a growing, and I hope I may say without offence, a portentous evil. The patriot asks, and humanity asks, where is the remedy?-Is there any remedy within the range of possibility?-any invented?-any instituted?

The only thing, Sir, the only machinery which has been put in operation, or even propounded with hope of success, is the American Colonization Society, whose professed object it is to drain the country of free blacks. And it is a problem yet to be solved, whether any Institution, or measures more hopeful, can be invented and applied to this purpose.

This Society, Sir, was formed in 1816. It has struggled along from that time, passing the ordeals of general indifference, and varied opposition, gradually securing the attention, and gaining upon the sympathies and confidence of the public. In the mean time, and in the very cradle of its infancy, with only two-penny contributions, the mere toy-money of children, it has accomplished one of the most interesting, sublime and hopeful experiments, which the world ever saw. The planting, growth, and successful establishment of the Colony of Liberia, conflicting equally, as it has been obliged, with the warring elements of nature, and with

the groveling and depraved policies of man-policies barbarian and civilized; stands up before the world an unexampled triumph of principle. What but principle, Sir, could have originated and sustained so humble, and in view of the giddy and ambitious world, so despicable an enterprise, as this seemed to be in its primitive stage?-What but principle, a sublime and unappreciated moral courage, could have led the heroic Ashmun to that grave of his earthly expectations and as it has been proved to be, though unforeseen by him, equally the theatre of his immortal honour, as the place of his martyrdom? Sir, when first I read the achievements of that man, it seemed to me like romance;-and I remember to have said: a few generations to come, and I would rather have the honours of his name as a hero, than the name of Napoleon. And now, Sir, I will add:-that when the once-fragrant renown of the Conqueror of Europe, shall have degenerated into absolute putrescence, the name of the founder of Liberia, will be seen in characters bright and during as the stars, and it will be sung too, a most enviable destiny, by millions of exulting and thankful hearts.

Yes, Sir: the establishment of the Colony of Liberia, is a triumph of principle, and that not only in the persevering and unyielding virtue of the instruments, but also in the respect-the reverence, which has been paid to it by an impartial world. Look, Sir. Yonder, on the naked, and exposed coast of Africa-that region of the globe, which knows no law but passion-where the wickedness of man, the most fell and the deadliest, prowls with impunity-there stands and flourishes, and is fast rising into importance, a civil and well-ordered community of Africans! And if you ask, what is their government?--The answer is:--principle. And if you ask, what is their protection? -The answer is:the respect of the world. Who, acquainted with the history of that long abused race, does not feel awed in view of such a spectacle?-Every pirate ship that swims the Ocean, and every slave ship (which is also a pirate) knows, that the Colony of Liberia has no protection, but the respect of the world-and no law, but the force of her own public opinion. they dare not fall upon her, even though she is their declared, and often most fatal enemy.

But

The Colony of Liberia, Sir, is governed and protected by the American Colonization Society-by our voice uttered here, and uttered any where. A strange spectacle, indeed! Who, uncertified of the fact, would believe it?

There is in my mind, a moral grandeur, beaming out from that point of the shore of Africa, which I know not how to express. It is a bright spot, set upon the margin of an immense region, a region overhung for ages uncounted with one unbroken cloud of darkness-a cloud heavy and deep as creation's night. And it is a light, Sir, which this Society has kindled there, and kept burning there, and till this hour it grows brighter and

brighter, and now promises to show its blaze along those shores, and back into those regions, until that deep and vast continent, from Cape de Verde to Gaudelfui, and from the shores of the Mediterranean to the Cape of Good Hope, shall stand up disenthralled, emancipated, regenerate. What man, susceptible and ambitious of high endeavour-what nation or people would not covet to participate in such an enterprise?

I humbly think, Sir-and I dare to say, standing even in this august chamber, (and here is the fittest place to say it)-if the Colony of Liberia cannot be protected by this nation, she ought to realise its patronageits efficient patronage; -a patronage, adequate not only to its necessities there, but to drain the mighty flood of coloured population, that is pouring itself upon this land:-to drain it, I mean, so far as would not interfere with the rights of property in the slave, and the freedom of the free,by wholesome moral inducements-inducements sanctioned by the unanimous voice of all concerned. The act of Congress of 1819, doubtless contemplates this patronage, as well as that it magnanimously recognises the moral obligation of this nation to engage in this work, in consideration of the guilt of our ancestors, in the slave trade--a guilt involving a responsibility entailed upon us their children. If, indeed, there be any responsibility in the common sin of the world, which has been done to Africa, a portion of that responsibility doubtless rests upon this nation; and the world and God will hold us accountable. And we cannot begin too soon, nor be too earnest in the work of atonement. And as a political measure, it is equally the interest, as it is the high and sacred duty of this Republic, to lay its hand upon this mighty evil-to apply all convenient political medicaments to this social and political deformity-a deformity which grows with our growth, and strengthens with our strength;-a monster upon the body politic, hideous in its aspects, constraining in its influences on the social system, and absorbing the vital energies of the community.

Were I permitted to use the voice of a legislator within these walls upon this interesting and momentous theme, and if it were necessary, I would invoke the spirit of my country-of her patriotic and mighty dead. Yes, Sir, like the elder Chatham, who was carried from his sick chamber to the British House of Lords, that he might enter his solemn protest against a meditated and infamous project in relation to these American Colonies--like him, though for a different purpose, I would "invoke," not alone, nor principally "the Genius of the Constitution;"--but for the purpose of such an occasion, I would especially challenge the Genius of our Declaration of Independence-of that instrument, which, be it remembered, makes a nation's oath-a nation's solemn and direct appeal to the high Providence above-an appeal, all the responsibilities of which were assumed in the face of the world, and under the most memorable, dependent, aye, Sir, dependent, and affecting circumstances. And then, in view of those responsibilities, and our circumstances when they were assumed, I would adjure my countrymen to acquit themselves of their duty to the African race.

In the project of the American Colonization Society, Sir, the only question is:--what is its promise, as a remedy for the evil, which it assays to alleviate?--Something we feel must be done, and soon done, and with mighty effort. If there be any other expedient of better promise--why, then, let us have it. But where is it to be found?--If none--here is an actual experiment all made to our hands. The scheme is matured-the door opened, a channel is made--and the tax of transporting every free black in our country, and as fast as they are made free, would not be formidable, in case of the prosperity of the Colony. Nay, on such condition, the motives of emigration might, and in all probability, would by and by become sufficient to sustain the enterprise with little or no draft either on the public Treasury, or on the resources of benevolence. In six weeks any coloured man might earn his passage.

And though the commencement of the enterprise be a public tax, we should regard it as only a small fraction of the mighty debt we owe that land. And there is the glory of enlightening and redeeming Africa. Is that nothing? And besides this, the work accomplished, would make the best chapter of political economy, wrought out, that was ever added to our experimental text book. For, who does not know and feel, that besides the portentous aspects of our rapidly accumulating coloured population, the free blacks, by the moral necessity of their civil disabilities are and must forever be a nuisance--equally, and more to the owner of slaves, than to other members of the community. They have no proper motives to ambition, or to elevate their character. And the only effect of the little labour they accomplish is to vitiate labour.

If, Sir, we love our country, we shall listen to the claims of this Institution, and of that unfortunate race, whom it has so nobly taken under its patronage. If we feel our own share in the public responsibility for the injuries of this race, we shall tremble at the tardiness of this enterprise. For there is a high and mighty Providence above, chaining to his throne, by ties of indissoluble responsibility, the communities and nations of this earth, obliging them, under the most fearful penalties, to the adoption and use of the principles of his own pure and beneficent government.

1 imagine, Sir-nay, methinks I see the guardian spirit of Africa-of suffering, bleeding Africa, (if indeed there be a guardian spirit there)-Yes, methinks I see it waking from its long-long night-rising from its bed of despair, by the gleam of hope, which you have kindled in its bosom, and stretching out its imploring hands to America. And, Sir, it is for us to decide the fearful question-whether it shall lift those hands in vain-whether, pierced with disappointment, it shall fall back again into those cruel arms which have so long held it in perpetual agony.