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Your design in the appointment of this cere.

[These orations were first collected and published in a volume, by Mr. Peter Edes of Boston, printer,mony, my friends and fellow-townsmen, cannot fail to be examined in quite different lights at this season of political dissession. From the principles I profess, and in the exercise of my common right to judge with others, I conclude it was decent, wise, and honorable.

son of the MR. EDES of that town whose press was so notorious for its fearless devotion to the liberties of America; both before the revolution commenced and during the time of its continuance.]

TO THE INHABITANTS OF THE TOWN OF BOSTON.

The certainty of being favored with your kindest partiality and candor, in a poor attempt to execute I hope my collecting, in one volume, the follow the part to which you have invited me, bas overing orations, which were first severally printed at come the objection of my inability to perform it your request, but many of which have been long in a proper manner; and I now beg the favor of since not to be purchased, will be considered in your animating countenance.

the mild light of an attempt to please the public.

Americans have been reprehended for not pre-whatever were the causes which concurred to bring The horrid bloody scene we here commemorate, serving, with sufficient care, the various pamphlets it on that dreadful night, must lead the pious and and political tracts which this country has afforded during the late war.

humane, of every order, to some suitable reflections. The pious will adore the conduct of that BEING who is unsearchable in all his ways, and with out whose knowledge not a single sparrow falls, in permitting an immortal soul to be hurried by the flying ball, the messenger of death, in the twinkling of an eye, to meet the awful Judge of all its

Many of those productions which appear trite to us, who live on the spot where they grew, may, however, be considered as sources of curiosity to strangers. Many of these orations have been con sidered as the sentiments of this metropolis, from time to time, touching the revolution; and as our secret actions. The humane, from having often earliest public invectives against oppression.

thought, with pleasing rapture, on the endearing As the institution of an oration upon the fifth scenes of social life, in all its amiable relations, of March is now superseded by the celebration of will lament, with heart felt pangs, their sudden the anniversary of independence, upon the fourth dissolution, by indiscretion, rage and vengeance, of July, I have given to this volume a general title, But let us leave that shocking close of one which will apply to both institutions: so that if continued course of rancor and dispute, from the bereafter there shall be a like volume, containing first moment that the troops arrived in town: that the orations of that anniversary, this may be con-course will now be represented by your own re sidered the first and that the second volume of flections to a much more solid, useful purpose, than Boston orations.

by any artful language. I hope, however, that

I am, with the greatest respect, your obedient heaven has yet in store such happiness for this humble servant, PETER EDES.

Boston, January, 1785.

afflicted town and province, as will in time wear out the memory of all your former troubles

I sincerely rejoice with you in the happy even of your steady and united effort to prevent a second tragedy.

upon the army. A less body of troops than is now maintained has, on a time, destroyed a king, and fought under a parliament with great success and Or fathers left their native land, risqued all glory; but, upon a motion to dishand them, they the dangers of the sea, and came to this then turned their masters out of doors, and fixed others savage desart, with that true undaunted courage in their stead. Such wild things are not again to which is excited by a confidence in GoD. They happen, because the parliament have power to stop came that they might here enjoy themselves, and payment once a year: but arma tenenti quis neget? leave to their posterity the best of earthly portions, which may be easily interpreted, "who will bind full English liberty. You showed upon the alarm- Sampson with his locks on?"* ing cause for trial, that their brave spirit still exists in vigor, though their legacy of right is much impaired. The sympathy and active friendship of respects, hastily penned, and reduces the soldier to some neighboring towns, upon that sad occasion, commands the highest gratitude of this.

The bill which regulates the army, the same fine author I have mentioned, says, "is, in many

a state of slavery in the midst of a free nation. This is impolitic: for slaves envy the freedom of others, and take a malicious pleasure in contributing to destroy it."

deserters.

I must not omit to mention one more bad ten

We have seen and felt the ill effects of placing standing forces in the midst of populous communities; but those are only what individuals suffer. By this scandalous bill a justice of peace is Your vote directs me to point out the fatal tendency empowered to grant, without a previous oath from of placing such an order in free cities-fatal indeed! the military officer, a warrant to break open any Athens once was free; a citizen, a favorite of the (freeman's) house, upon pretence of searching for people, by an artful story, gained a trifling guard of fifty men; ambition taught him ways to enlarge that number; he destroyed the commonwealth and made himself the tyrant of the Athenians. Cæsar, by the length of his command in Gaul, got the affections of his army, marched to Rome, overthrew the state, and made himself perpetual dictator. By the same instruments, many less republics have been made to fall a prey to the devouring jaws of tyrants. But this is a subject which should never be disguised with figures; it chooses the plain stile of dissertation.

dency: 'tis this-a standing force leads to a total neglect of militias, or tends greatly to discourage them.

You see the danger of a standing army to the cause of freedom. If the British parliament con. sents from year to year to be exposed, it doubtless bas good reasons. But when did our assembly pass an act to hazard all the property, the liberty and lives of their constituents? what check have we upon a British army? can we disband it? can we stop

The true strength and safety of every common-its pay? wealth or limited monarchy, is the bravery of its Our own assemblies in America can raise an army; freeholders, its militia. By brave militias they and our monarch, George the 3d, by our constitu rise to grandeur; and they come to ruin by a tion, takes immediate command. This army can mercenary army. This is founded on historical consent to leave their native provinces. Will the facts, and the same causes will, in similar circumroyal chief commander send them to find barracks stances, forever produce the same effects. Justice at Brunswick or Lunenburg, at Hanover, or the comBlackstone, in his inimitably clear commentaries, modious hall of Westminster? suppose the last-suptells us, that "it is extremely dangerous in a land of liberty, to make a distinct order of the pro-liament in actual rebellion, or only on the eve of pose this army was informed, nay thought the parfession of arms; that such an order is an object of one, against their king, or against those who paid jealousy; and that the laws and constitution of Eng- and cloathed them--for there it pinches:-we are lund are strangers to it." One article of the bill of rebels against parliament;—we adore the king. rights is, that the raising or keeping a standing army within the kingdom in a time of peace, unless it be with consent of parliament, is against law. The present army, therefore, though called the! peace establishment, is kept up by one act, and governed by another; both of which expire annually. This circumstance is valued as a sufficient check

Where, in the case I have stated, would be the value of the boasted English constitution?

Who are a free people? not those who do not soffer actual oppression; but those who have a constitutional check upon the power to oppress.

Trenchard.

We are slaves or freemen: if as we are called of passage, some happier climate. Here at length the last, where is our check upon the following they settled down. The king of England was said powers, France, Spain, the states of Holland, or to be the royal landlord of this territory; with the British parliaments? now if any one of these HIM they entered into mutual, sacred compact, by (and it is quite immaterial which) has right to which the price of tenure, and the rules of managemake the two acts in question operate within this ment, were fairly stated. It is in this compact that province, they have right to give us up to an we find OUR ONLY TRUE LEGISLATIVE AUTHORITY. unlimited army, under the sole direction of one Saracen commander.

I might here enlarge upon the character of those first settlers, men of whom the world was little Thus I have led your thoughts to that upon which worthy; who, for a long course of years, assisted I formed my conclusion, that the design of this by no earthly power, defended their liberty, their ceremony was decent, wise and honorable. Make religion, and their lives, against the greatest inland the bloody 5th of March the æra of the resurrec danger of the savage natives: but this falls not tion of your birthrights, which have been murdered within my present purpose. They were secure by by the very strength that nursed them in their sea. infancy. I had an eye solely to parliamentary supremacy; and I hope you will think every other view beneath your notice, in our present most alarming situation.

In our infancy, when not an over tempting jewel for the Bourbon crown, the very name of England saved us; afterwards her fleets and armies. We wish not to depreciate the worth of that protection. of our gold, yea of our most fine gold, we will freely give a part. Our fathers would have done the same. But must we fall down and cry "let not a stranger rob and kill me, O my father! let me rather die by the hand of my brother, and let him ravish all my portion!"†

Chatham, Camden, and others, Gods among men, and the Farmer, whom you have addressed as the friend of mankind; all these have owned that England has right to exercise every power over us, but that of taking money out of our pockets, without our consent. Though it seems almost too bold therefore in us to say "we doubt in every single instance her legal rights over this province," bleed at every vein." I cannot see the conséquence.

yet we must assert it. Those I have named are
mighty characters, but they wanted one advantage
Providence has given us.
The beam is carried of
from our eyes by the flowing blood of our fellow.
citizens, and now we may be allowed to attempt to
remove the mote from the eyes of our exalted
patrons. That mote, we think, is nothing but our
obligation to England first, and afterwards Great
Britain, for constant kind protection of our lives and
birthrights against foreign danger. We all acknow.
ledge that protection.

It is said that disunited from Britain "we should

The states of Holland do not suffer thus. But grant it true, Seneca would prefer the lancets of France, Spain, or any other power, to the BowSTRING, though applied by the fair hand of Bri

tannia.

The declarative vote of the British parliament is the death-warrant of our birthrights, and wants only a Czarish king to put it into execution. Here then a door of salvation is open. Great Britain may raise her fleets and armies, but it is only our

He

Let us once more look into the early history of awn king that can direct their fire down upon our heads. He is gracious, but not omniscient. this province. We find that our English ancestors, disgusted in their native country at a legislation, is ready to hear our APPEALS in their proper course; which they saw was sacrificing all their rights, lef and knowing himself, though the most powerful íts jurisdiction,‡ and sought, like wandering birds prince on earth, yet, a subject under a divine constitution of LAW; that law he will ask and receive *Taxation and representation are inseparable. from the twelve judges of England. These will From what in our constitution is representation prove that the claim of the British parliament over not inseparable!-multa a CRASSO divinitus dicta us is not only ILLEGAL IN ITSELF, BUT A DOWN-RIGHT efferebantur, cum sibi illum, consulem esse negaret USURPATION OF HIS PREROGATIVE as king of America. cui senator ipse non esset. A brave nation is always generous. Let us ap.

Chath Cambd.

Cic.

tl confine myself to this province, partly from ignorance of other charters; but more from a desire even to ver some abler pen to pursue the idea of CHECK; which an unchartered FREEMAN may do, as well as any other in America.

I choose to bury a fruitful subject for any satyrical genius of the family of PENN.

fita vitam corpusque servato, ita fortunes, ita Hæc sunt enim fiundamenta frmissima nostræ rei familiarem, ut hæ posteriera libertati ducas, libertatis, sui quemque juris et retinendi et dimit--nec pro his libertatem, sed pro libertati hæc tendi esse dominum.

Cit.

projicias, tanquam pignora injuriz.

pess, theref re, at the same time, to the generosity [stitution leads us to expect. In that condition, of the PEOPLE of Great Britain, before the tribunal* us behave with the propriety and dignity of Fa of Europe, not to envy us the full enjoyment of the MEN; and thus exhibit to the world, a new charact of a people, which no history describes.

RIGHTS OF BRETHREN.

And now, my friends and fellow townsmen, having declared myself an American son of liberty of true charter principles: having shewn the critical and dangerous situation of our birthrights, and the true course for speedy redress; I shall take the freedom to recommend, with boldness, one previous step.Let us show we understand the true value of what we are claiming.

May the all-wise and beneficent BULER OF T
UNIVERSE preserve our lives and health, and pro
per all our lawful endeavors in the glorious cause
FREEDOM.

ORATION DELIVERED AT BOSTON, MARCH 5, 1772,
BY JOSEPH WARREN.

Quis talia fando,
Myrmidonum, Dolopumve, aut duri miles Ülyssei,
Temperet a lacrymis.

VIRGIL.

When we turn over the historic page, and trac the rise and fall of states and empires, the might revolutions which have so often varied the face o the world strike our minds with solemn surprise and we are naturally led to endeavor to search out

The patriotic Farmer tells us, "the cause of liberty is a cause of too much dignity to be sullied by turbulence and tumult.-Anger produces anger; and differences, that might be accommodated by kind and respectful behavior, may, by imprudence, be enlarged to an incurable rage. In quarrelsrisen to a certain height, the first cause of dissenthe causes of such astonishing changes. sion is no longer remembered, the minds of the parties being wholly engaged in recollecting and tion, which, upon our first enquiry, presents itself resenting the mutual expressions of their dislike. immediately to our view, and our reason approves that wise and generous principle which actuated the first founders of civil government; an institution which hath its origin in the weakness of indi

tion of their wrath."

That man is formed for social life, is an observa

When feuds have reached that fatal point, considerations of reason and equity vanish, and a blind fury governs, or rather confounds all things. A people no longer regard their interest, but a gratifica-viduals, and hath for its end, the strength and security of all: and so long as the means of effecting this important end are thoroughly known, and reWe know ourselves subjects of common Law: to ligiously attended to, government is one of the that and the worthy executors of it, let us pay arichest blessings to mankind, and ought to be held steady and conscientious regard. Past errors in this point have been written with gall, by the pen of MALICE. May our fu'ure conduct be such as to make even that vile IMP lay her pen aside.

in the highest veneration.

In young and new formed communities, the grand design of this institution, is most generally understood, and most strictly regarded; the motives The right which imposes duties upon us, is in which urged to the social compact, cannot be at dispute: bu whether they are managed by a once forgotten, and that equality which is rememsurveyor general, a board of commissioners, Turkish bered to have subsisted so lately among them, preJanizaries, or Russian Cossacks, let them enjoy, vents those who are clothed with authority from during our time of fair trial, the common personal attempting to invade the freedom of their brethren; protection of the laws of our constitution. Let or if such an attempt is made, it prevents the comus shut our eyes, for the present, to their being munity from suffering the offender to go unpunishexecutors of claims subversive of our rights. ed: every member feels it to be his interest and Watchful, hawk-eyed jealousy, ever guards the knows it to be his duty, to preserve inviolate the portal of the temple of the GODDESS LIBERTY. This constitution on which the public safety depends,* is known to those who frequent her altars. Our and he is equally ready to assist the magistrate in whole conduct therefore, I am sure, will meet with the execution of the laws, and the subject in dethe utmost candor of her voTARIES: but I am fence of his right; and so long as this noble attachwishing we may be able to convert even her basest ment to a constitution, founded on free and benevolent principles, exists in full vigor, in any state, that state must be flourishing and happy.

APOSTATES.

We are SLAVES until we obtain such redress, through the justice of our king, as our happy con.

*I do not think the QUO WARRANTO against our first charter, was tried in a proper court.

It was this noble attachment to a free constitu.

*Omnes ordines ad conservamdam rempublicam, mente, voluntate, studio, virtute, voce, consentiunt.

CICERO

The British constitution (of which ours is a copy)

tion which raised ancient Rome, from the smallest solutely as they possibly could be by any buman beginnings, to that bright summit of happiness and instrument which can be devised. And it is undeglory to which she arrived; and it was the loss of niably true,, that the greatest and most important this which plunged her from that summit into the right of a British subject is, that he shall be governblack gulph of infamy and slavery. It was this at-ed by no laws but those to which he either in person or tachment which inspired her senators with wisdom; | by his representative hath given his consent: and this it was this which glowed in the breast of her he. I will venture to assert, is the grand basis of Briroes; it was this which guarded her liberties and tish feeedom; it is interwoven with the constitution; extended her dominions, gave peace at home, and and whenever this is lost, the constitution must be commanded respect abroad: and when this decay-destroyed. ed, her magistrates lost their reverence for justice and the laws, and degenerated into tyrants and opis a happy compound of the three forms (under pressors-her senators, forgetful of their dignity, and seduced by base corruption, betrayed their country-her soldiers, regardless of their relation to the community, and urged only by the hopes of plunder and rapine, unfeelingly committed the most flagrant enormities; and hired to the trade of death, with relentless fury, they perpetrated the most cruel murders, whereby the streets of imperial Rome were drenched with her noblest blood Thus this empress of the world lost her dominions abroad, and her inhabitants, dissolute in their manners, at length became contented slaves; and she stands to this day, the scorn and derision of nations, and a monument of this eternal truth, that PUBLIC HAPPINESS DEPENDS ON A VIRTUOUS AND UNSHAKEN

ATTACHMENT TO A FREE CONSTITUTION.

It was this attachment to a constitution, founded on free and benevolent principles, which inspired the first settlers of this country:-they saw with grief the daring outrages committed on the free constitution of their native land-they knew that nothing but a civil war could at that time restore its pristine purity. So hard was it to resolve to embrue their hands in the blood of their brethren, that they chose rather to quit their fair possessions and seek another habitation in a distant clime.When they came to this new world, which they fairly purchased of the Indian natives, the only rightful proprietors, they cultivated the then barren soil, by their incessant labor, and defended their dear-bought possessions with the fortitude of the christain, and the bravery of the bero.

After various struggles, which, during the tyrannic reigns of the house of Stuart, were constantly kept up between right and wrong, between liberty and slavery, the connection between Great Britain and this colony was settled in the reign of king William and queen Mary, by a compact, the condi. tions of which were expressed in a charter; by which all the liberties and immunities of British subjects, were confined to this province, as fully and as ab

some of which all governments may be ranged) viz. monarchy, aristocracy,and democracy: of these three the British legislature is composed, and without the consent of each branch, nothing can carry with it the force of a law; but when a law is to be passed for raising a tax, that law can originate only in the democratic branch, which is the house of commons in Britain, and the house of representatives here -The reason is obvious: they and their constitu ents are to pay much the largest part of it; but as the aristocratic branch, which, in Britain, is the house of lords, and in this province, the council, are also to pay some part, THEIR consent is necessary; and as the monarchic branch, which in Britain is the king, and with either the king in person, or the governor whom he shall be pleased to appoint to act in his stead, is supposed to have" just sense of his own interest, which is that of all the subjects in general, His consent is also necessary, and when the consent of these three branches is obtained, the taxation is most certainly legal.

a

us,

Let us now allow ourselves a few moments to examine the late acts of the British parliament-for taxing America-Let us with candor judge whether they are constitutionally binding upon us:-if they are, IN THE NAME OF JUSTICE let us submit to them, without one murmuring word.

First, I would ask whether the members of the British bouse of commons are the democracy of this province? if they are, they are either the peqple of this province, or are elected by the people of this province, to represent them, and have therefore a constitutional right to originate a bill for taxing them: it is most certain they are neither; and therefore nothing done by them can be said to be done by the democratic branch of our constitution. I would next ask, whether the lords, who compose the aristocratic branch of the legislature, are peers of America? I never heard it was (even in those extraordinary times) so much as pretended, and if they are not, certainly no act of there

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