As a very important fourse of strength and fecurity, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as poffible; avoiding occafions of expence by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger, frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occafions of expence, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occafioned, not ungenerously throwing upon pofterity the burthen which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinfic embarrafsment infeparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties) ought to be a decifive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiefcence in the measures for obtaining revenue which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. : OBSERVE good faith and justice towards all nations, cultivate peace and harmony with all; religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no diftant period a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence.Who can doubt that in the course of time and things the fruits of fuch a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every fentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! it is rendered impossible by its vices? In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more ef sential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others should be excluded; and that in place of them just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a flave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it aftray from its duty and its interest.Antipathy in one nation against another, disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of flight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occafions of difpute occur. HENCE frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animofity of the nation subservient to projects of hoftility instigated by pride, ambition, and other finister and pernicious motives. The peace often, and fometimes, perhaps, the liberty of nations has been the victim.... So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another, preduces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in cafes where no real common interests exifts, and infufing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the foriner into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads alfo to conceffions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions: by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a difpofition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld: and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation) facility to betray, or facrifice the interefts of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or laudable zeal for public good, the base of foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation. As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, fuch attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils ? Such an attachment of a imall or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the fatellite of the latter. Against the infidious wives of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; fince history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republi can government. But that jealousy to be useful must be impartial; else it becomes the inftrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Ex. ceffive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive diflike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one fide, and serve to veil and even fecond the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may refist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become fufpected and odious; while its tools and dupes ufurp the applaufe and confidence of the people, to furrender their interests. THE great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as potlible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. EUROPE has a fet of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence the must be engaged in frequent controverfies, the causes of which are ? essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwife in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties, in the ordinary viciffitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. Our detached and distant fituation, invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time refolve upon, to be fcrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impoffibility of making acquisitions upon us, wilł not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by juftice, shall counsel. WHY forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and profperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor or caprice? 'Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; fo far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronising infidelity to exifting engagements. I hold the maxim no less applica. ble to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always |