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facility to betray, or sacrifice the interests of their own country without odium, sometimes even with popularity: gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, [I conjure you to] believe me, [fellow citizens],* the jealousy of a free * my friends

people ought to be [constantly]* awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of Republican Government. But that jealousy to be useful must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real Patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favourite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign Nations is, [in extending our commercial relations,] to have with them as little Political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements let them be fulfilled * incessantly

with [*] perfect good faith. Here let us stop.

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence therefore it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by [t] artificial [ties] in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, [or]|| the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships, or enmities.

Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one People, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve [upon] § to be scrupulously respected. When [T]

* circumspection indeed, but with
‡ connection
|| in

¶ neither of two

† an ? to observe

belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will [not] lightly hazard the giving us provocation [*]; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest guided by [t] justice shall counsel.

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humour, or caprice?

'T is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances [‡] with any portion of the foreign world ;—so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it—for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to [existing]|| engagements, ([I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs], § that hon*to throw our weight into the opposite scale; tour intimate connections pre-existing for I hold it to be as true in public as in private transactions,

esty is [always] the best policy). [I repeat it therefore let those engagements] * be observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.

Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectably defensive posture, we may safely trust to [temporary]† alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our com

mercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand: neither seeking nor granting exclusive favours and preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing with Powers. so disposed-in order to give to trade a stable course, to define the rights of our Merchants and to enable the Government to support them-conventional rules of † occasional

*those must

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