pose an exertion of this power would be less obnoxious now than formerly? And what reason have we to believe that they would make a second attempt, whilst the same sentiments fill the breast of every American, if they did not intend to enforce it, if possible?

I think, the Parliament of Great Britain have no more right to put their hands into my pocket, without my consent, than I have to put my hands into yours. This being already urged to them, in a firm but decent manner, by all the colonies, what reason is there to expect any thing from their justice?

I should much distrust my own judgment, upon the occasion, if my nature did not recoil at the thought of submitting to measures which I think subversive of every thing that I ought to hold dear and valuable, and did I not find, at the same time, that the voice of mankind is with me.

1774.

An innate spirit of freedom first told me, that the measures which the Administration have, for some time, been, and now are, most violently pursuing, are opposed to every principle of natural justice; whilst much abler heads than my own have fully convinced me, that they are not only repugnant to natural right, but subversive of the laws and constitution of Great Britain itself, in the establishment of which some of the best blood in the kingdom has been spilt.

LORD NORTH'S BILLS.

The drafts of bills which have since passed into accounts of British legislation, are so strongly marked with folly and villainy, that one can scarcely tell which predominates, or how to be surprised at any act of a British minister.

This last trite performance of Master North's, is neither more nor less than an insult to common sense, and shows to what extremity of folly wicked men, in a bad cause, are sometimes driven; for this "rude Boreas," who was to bring America to his feet, knew, at the time of drafting these bills, or had good reason to believe, that a treaty had actually been signed between the Court of France and the United States. By what rule of common sense, then, he could expect that such an undisguised artifice would go down in America, I cannot conceive.

Thanks to Heaven, the tables are turned; and we, I hope, shall have our Independence secured, in its fullest extent, without cringing to this Son of Thunder, who, I am persuaded, will find abundant work for his troops, elsewhere; on which happy prospect I sincerely congratulate every friend of American liberty.

1778.

III. INDEPENDENCE

In war, your fame is immortal as the hero of liberty. In peace, you are the pa tron and the firmest supporter of her rights. Your greatest admirers, and even your best friends, have now but one wish left for you: that you may long enjoy health and your present happiness. PAUL JONES, Letter, Dec. 20, 'S9.

THE CAUSE OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE.

Our cause is noble. It is the cause of mankind; and the danger to it is to be apprehended from ourselves. Shall we slumber and sleep, then, while we should be punishing those miscreants who have brought these troubles upon us, and who are aiming to continue us in them; while we should be striving to fill our battalions, and devising ways and means to raise the value of the currency, on the credit of which every thing depends? I hope not.

I trust, the goodness of the cause, and the exertions of the people, and Divine protection, will give us that honorable peace for which we are contending.

The favorable disposition of Spain, the promised succor from France, the combined force in the West Indies, the declaration of Russia, (acceded to by other governments of Europe, and humiliating to the naval pride and power of Great Britain,) the superiority of France and Spain, by sea in Europe, the Irish claims and English disturbances, formed in the aggregate an opinion in my breast, which is not very susceptible of peaceful dreams, that the hour of deliverance was not far distant; since, however unwilling Great Britain might be, to yield the point, it would not be in her power to continue the contest. But, alas! these prospects, flattering as they were, have proved delusory, and I see nothing before us but accumulating distress.

We must not despair; the game is yet in our own hands; to play it well is all we have to do. And I trust, the experience of error will enable us to act better in future. A cloud may yet pass over us; individuals may be ruined, and the country at large, or particular States, undergo temporary distress; but certain I am, that it is in our power to bring the war to a happy conclusion.

1781.

I am very happy to be informed, by accounts from all parts of the continent, of the agreeable prospect of a very plentiful supply of almost all the productions of the earth. Blessed as we are with the boun

ties of Providence, necessary for our support and de

fence, the fault must surely be our own; and great indeed will it be, if we do not, by a proper use of them, obtain the noble prize for which we have so long been contending, the establishment of liberty, peace, and independence.

1781.

THE COMMON WEAL.

It appears as clear to me as ever the sun did in its meridian brightness, that America never stood in more eminent need of the wise, patriotic, and spirited exertions of her sons, than at this period. And if it is not a sufficient cause for general lamentation, my misconception of the matter impresses it too strongly upon me, that the States, separately, are too much engaged in their local concerns, and have too many of their ablest men withdrawn from the General Council, for the good of the common weal.

I think, our Political System may be compared to the mechanism of a clock, and we should derive a lesson from it; for it answers no good purpose to keep the smaller wheels in order, if the greater one, which is the support and prime mover of the whole, is neglected.

As there can be no harm in a pious wish for the good of one's country, I shall offer it as mine, that each State would not only choose, but absolutely com