growth, produce or manufacture of the faid iflands of his Britannic Majefty.

15th Art. That no claufe be admitted which may reftrain the United States from reciprocating benefits by difcriminating between foreign nations, in their commercial arrangements, or prevent them from encreafing the tonnage, or other duties on British veffels, on terms of reciprocity, or in a ftipulated ratio.

21ft Art. That the subjects or citizens of either party, be not restrained from accepting commiffions in the army or navy of any foreign power.

Mr. TAZEWELL's MOTION.

That the Prefident of the United States be informed, that the Senate will not confent to the ratification of the Treaty of Amity, Commerce, and Navigation, between the United States and his Britannic Majefty, concluded at London on the 19th November, 1794, for the reafons following:

1. Because fo much of the Treaty as was intended to terminate the complaints, flowing from the inexecution of the Treaty of 1783, contains ftipulations that were not rightfully or juftly requirable, of the United States, and which are, both impolitic and injurious to their interest: and because the Treaty hath not fecured that fatisfaction from the British government, for the removal of negroes, in violation of the Treaty of 1783, to which the citizens of the United States, were juftly entitled.

2. Because the rights of individual States, are by the 9th article of this Treaty, unconftitutionally invaded.

3. Because however impolitic or unjust it may generally be, to exercise the power prohibited by the 10th article, yet it refts on legislative difcretion, and ought not to be prohibited by Treaty.

4. Becaufe fo much of the Treaty as relates to commercial arrangements between the parties, want that reciprocity, upon which alone, fuch like arrangements ought to be founded, and will operate ruinoufly to the American Commerce and Navigation.

5. Because the Treaty prevents the United States from the exercise of that controul over their Commerce and Navigation, as connected with other nations, which might better the condition of the intercourfe with friendly nations.

6. Because if the conftruction of this Treaty fhould not produce an infraction of the Treaties now fubfifling between the United States and their allies, it is calculated to excite fenfations which may not operate beneficially to the United States.

Notwithstanding the Senate will not confent to the ratification of this Treaty, they advise the President of the United States to continue his endeavours, by friendly difcuffion with his Britannic Majefly to adjuft all the real causes of complaint between the two nations.

Thefe propofitions were both rejected by a vote of 20 to 10. We are informed that the members who voted in the affirmative were,

Bingham, Bradford, Cabot, Ellsworth, Frelinghuyfer, Fofter, Gunar Henry, King, Latimer, Paine, Potts, Read, Rofs, Rutherford, Strong, Trumbull, Vining, Livermore, and Marshall.

In the Negative.

Brown, Bloodworth, Burr, Butler, Jackfon, Langdon, Martin, Mafon Robinson, and Tazewell.

Refignation of the President-His Address to the People.

THE treaty being thus ratified, the back pofts, which fo long had

been a bone of contention between the United States and Great Britain, were foon after given up to the former.

From this period, little remarkable happened in the hiftory of the United States till the 17th of September, 1796, when General Washington publifhed an addrefs to the people, in which he declined being confidered among the number of those out of whom a choice was to be made for the office of Prefident, at the enfuing election.

Many and excellent, indeed, have been the addresses which have been penned by American patriots upon various occafions: and they have, no doubt, had their proper effect upon the people; but this farewell addrefs of the illuf trious Washington, when he retired from public life, is above all praife. For it throws a light on the fituation in which America then flood with refpect to foreign powers: and alfo points out the manner in which fhe would be moft probably fituated at an after period. It clearly fhews the dangers, to, which we may be expofed, and likewife points out the remedy. In our opinion it would be highly improper to abridge an addrefs, which has already, and which may hereafter be of fo much utility to the public. We fail, therefore, lay the whole before our readers.

Friends and Fellow Citizens,

THE period for a new election of a Citizen, to adminifter the executive government of the United States, being not far diftant, and the time actually, arrived, when your thoughts must be employed in defignating the perfon, who is to be cloathed with that important truft, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more diftinct expreffion of a public voice, that I thould now apprise you of the refolution I have formed, to decline being confidered among the number of those, out of whom a choice is to be made.

I beg you at the fame time to do me the juftice to be affured, that this refolution has not been taken, without a ftrict regard to all the confiderations appertaining to the relation, which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing the tender of fervice which filence in my fituation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future, intereft; no deficiency of grateful refpect for your paft kindness: but am fupported by a full conviction that the ftep is compatible with both.

The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the office to which your fuffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform facrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your defire. I conftantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my, power, confiflently with motives, which I was not at liberty to difregard, to return to that retirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The ftrength of my inclination to do this, previous to the laft election, had even led to the preparation of an addrefs to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical pofture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of perfons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea.

I rejoice, that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the purfuit of inclination incompatible with the fentiment of

duty, or propriety: and am perfuaded whatever partiality may be retained for my fervices, that in the prefent circumflances of our country, you will not difapprove of my determination to retire.

The impreffions with which I firft undertook the arduous truft, were explained on the proper occafion. In the difcharge of this truft, I will only fay, that I have with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and adminiftration of the government, the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable, Not unconscious, in the out-fet, of the inferiority of any qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps flitt more in the eyes of others, has ftrengthened the motives to diffidence of myfelf: and every day the encreafing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the fhade of retirement is as neceffary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumftances have given peculiar value to my fervices, they were temporary, I have the confolation to believe, that while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotifm does not forbid it.

In looking forward to the moment, which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to fufpend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country, for the many honours it has conferred upon me; ftill more for the fted faft confidence with which it has fupported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifefting my inviolable attachment, by fervices faithful and perfevering, though in ufefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have refulted to our country from thefe fervices, let it always be remembered to our praife, and as an inftructive example in our annals, that under circumftances in which the paffions, agitated in every direction, were liable to miffead, amidft appearances fometimes dubious-viciffitudes of fortune often difcouraging-in fituations in which not unfrequently want of fuccefs has countenanced the fpirit of criticifin-the conflancy of your fupport was the effential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I fhall carry it with me to my grave, as a ftrong incitement to unceafing vows that heaven may continue to you the choiceft tokens of its beneficence :-that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual-that the free conftitution which is the work of your hands, may be facredly maintained-that its administration in every department may be flamped with wifdom and virtue-that in fine, the happiness of the people of thefe States, under the aufpices of liberty, may be made complete, by fo careful a prefervation and fo prudent a ufe of this bleffing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applaufe, the affection and adoption of every nation which is yet a ftranger to it.

Here, perhaps, I ought to flop. But a folicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehenfion of danger, natural to that folicitude, urge me on an occafion like the prefent, to offer to your folemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, fome fentiments; which are the refult of much reflection, of no inconfiderable obfervation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. Thefe will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only feel in them the difinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can poffibly have no perfonal motive to bias his counfel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my fentiments on a former and not diffimilar occafion.

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is neceffary to fortify or confirm the attachment. The unity of government which conflitutes you one people, is alfo now dear to you. It is juftly fo; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the fupport of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your fafety; of your profperity; of that very liberty which you fo highly prize. But as it is easy to forefee that from different caufes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortrefs against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be moft conftantly and actively (though often covertly and infiduoufly) dire&ed, it is of infinite moment, that you fhould properly eftimate the immenfe value of your national Union, to your collective and individual happinefs; that you fhould cherish a cordial, habitual, and immoveable attachment to it; accuftoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political fafety and profperity; watching for its prefervation with jealous anxiety; difcountenancing whatever may fuggeft even to a fufpicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the firft dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the reft, or to enfeeble the facred ties which now link together the various parts.

For this you have every inducement of fympathy and intereft. Citizens by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of AMERICAN, which belongs 10 you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the jufl pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local difcriminations. With flight fhades of difference, you have the fame religion, manners, habits and political principles. You have in a common caufe fought and triumphed together; the Independence and Liberty you poflefs are the work and joint councils, and joint efforts, of common dangers, fufferings and fucceffes.

But thefe confiderations, however powerful they addrefs themfelves to your fenfibility, are greatly outweighed by thofe which apply more immediately to your intereft. Here every portion of our country finds the moit commanding motives for carefully guarding and preferving the Union of the whole.

The North in an unrestrained intercourfe with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the production of the latter, great additional resource of maritime and commercial enterprize and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South in the fame intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, fees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the feamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated-and while it contributes, different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime ftrength, to which itself is unequally adapted.-The East, in a like intercourse with the Weft, already, and in the progreffive improvement of interior communications, by land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The Weft derives from the Eaft fupplies requifite to its growth and comfort-and what is perhaps of ftill greater confequence, it must of neceffity owe the fecure enjoyment of indifpenfible outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence and the future maritime ftrength of the Atlantic fide of

the Union, directed by an indiffoluble community of intereft as one nation. Any other tenure by which the Weft can hold this effential advantage, whether derived from its own feparate ftrength, or from an apoftate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinfically precarious.

While then every part of our country thus feels the immediate and particular intereft in Union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find, in the united mafs of means and efforts, greater ftrength, greater refource, proportionably greater fecurity from external danger, a lefs frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and what is of ineftimable value! they must derive from Union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which fo frequently affliét neighbouring countries, not tied together by the fame government; which their own rivalfhips alone would be fufficient to produce, but which oppofite foreign alliances, attachments and intrigues, would ftimulate and imbitter. Hence likewife they will avoid the neceflity of thofe overgrown military eftablishments, which under any form of government are inaufpicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hoftile to Republican Liberty: In this fense it is, that your Union ought to be confidered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the prefervation of the other.

Thefe confiderations fpeak a perfuafive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object of patriotic defire. Is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace fo large a sphere ?-Let experience folve it. To liften to mere fpeculation in fuch a cafe were criminal. We are authorised to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the refpective fubdivifions, will afford a happy iffue to the experimer. 'Tis well worth a fair and full experiment. With fuch powerful and obvious motives to Union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonftrated its impractability, there will always be reafon to diftruft the patriotifm of those, who in any quarter may endeavour to weaken its bands.

In contemplating the caufes which may difturb our Union, it occurs as matter of ferious concern, that any ground fhould have been furnished for characterifing parts by Geographical difcriminations-Northern and Southern-Atlantic and Weftern; whence defigning man may endeavour to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interefts and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence, within particular diftricts, is to mifieprefent the opinions and aims of other diftricts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealoufies and heart--burnings, which fpring from thofe mifreprefentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our wellern country have lately had a useful lesson on this head they have feen, in the negociation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and the univerfal fatisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decifive proof how unfounded were the fufpicions propagated among them of a policy in the general government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interefts in regard to the MISSISIPPI: they have been wisneffes to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain and that with Spain, which fecure to them every thing they could defire, in refpect to our foreign re

No. 24.