government on the other. The apprehenfions of both parties were abundantly justified by experience. It was scarcely possible, that, in such a shock, the ba lance of our constitution should not, in some degree, be shaken, and bent a little, for a time, towards one side or other. The candour and indulgence with which we have treated the opposite opinions on this important, delicate, and tender subject, we wish to be confidered, by our readers, as a pledge of that perfect impartiality and freedom from all party spirit, by which we wish this work to be distinguished. As it extends to many years back, so we hope it will be continued, and find acceptation in the world, for many years to come. It is not for any party, or temporary humour, or passion, that we select and record the transactions and events of the passing years, but for our countrymen, and all men, in all times and circumstances. Though we are rather inclined to be of opinion with those who think the measures of administration, to which we have now alluded, were compelled by the dangers and exigencies of the times, we are neither unconcerned, nor unalarmed, at whatever seems to impose restraint on civil or political freedom. On a due balance between prerogative and liberty has the British constitution been supported. When either of these has preponderated many evils have been 1 fuffered. But there is something in the genius, manners, habits, and character of the English nation, different from, and paramount to, laws and forms, that, amidst all the deviations of the constitution, has constantly brought it back to its true spirit. The fame principles which have enabled England, by the immenfity of its resources, to stand unfhaken in the midst of the disasters that befel the coalition, and to display greater and greater energy, in proportion to increasing difficulties, will, we doubt not, save the state from the difastrous consequences which too often flow even from precedents founded in temporary expediency. In tracing the movements of armies, the revolutions of states, the political intrigues, dissentions, and contests, which mark the year 1796, we have exerted our usual industry, not only in delineating objects, according to their respective magnitude and importance, but in reducing them within the wonted limits of our Annual History of Europe. i 1 To 7 To the various hints of so many of our readers on this head, they will perceive, we have not been inattentive. It is not a minute and circumftantial detail of transactions and events that we understand to be wished for and expected in our historical sketches; but a narrative brief and rapid, yet clear and comprehenfive: one that may give a just view of what is paffing in the world, without too much time or trouble of reading. The curiofity of fuch of our readers as may have a taste and turn for more particular information, respecting various occurrences, will be gratified in the second part of the volume. THE THE ANNUAL REGISTER, For the YEAR 1796. ******** THE HISTORY OF EUROPE. CHAP. I. Situation of the French Nation and Government, and Views of the Directory. -Difficulties to be encountered by France at the Close of 1795.-State of Parties in England. Temper of the British Nation. Affemblies for the Purpofe of a Parliamentary Reform, and Peace with France. A great and dangerous Scarcity of Provifions. -Meeting of Parliament. Infults and Outrages of an immense Mob against the King, on his Way to the House of Lords. The regret of all People of Senfe at this Treatment of the KingSpeech from the Throne. Debates thereon. In the House of Commons.And in that of the Lords. A FTER the death of Robefpierre, the convention were more at liberty than they had been to declare the voice of the people; and the sentiments of nature, with an inclination to peace, began to appear in the public councils, as well as among the generality of the French nation: but it too often, nay, most commonly happens, in all governments, that the real interests of the many are facrificed to those of the few: the dictates of humanity VOL. XXXVIII. personal aggrandize to the views of Uniformity and steadiness of government may proceed from different and even opposite causes; the predominant habits and paffions of abfolute monarchs on the one hand; and the virtues of nascent and juvenile republics on the other: when the external relations of the state are neither many nor complicated; when its interests are easily difcerned and constantly pursued, the integrity [B] integrity and upright intentions of the representatives and rulers being constantly fupported by a general fimplicity of manners, and a facred regard to the principles of morality and religion. In the newly conftituted government of France both these kinds of steadiness were wanting: It was less democratical indeed than that of 1793; but still the executive power was configned into five hands instead of one only. It was not stayed as all other republics of any extent and durability have hitherto been, by fome individual power, whether under the name of archon, duke, doge, king, stadtholder, or the prefident of a congrefs. It was impoffible that five directors, and these Frenchmen too, should, for any length of time, act with harmony. They fplit into parties hoftile and violent, in proportion to the power with which they were invested: in order to retain which the preponderating party treated their rivals in the directory, and their opponents in the councils with the most merciless severity, and repeatedly violated the constitution, under the pretence of preferving it. Like their predeceffors in the revolution, in default of fimplicity of manners, and the other requisites to a genuine republic, they had recourte to intrigue and violence, Had their own manners been more pure than they were, without those adventitious supports in so great and corrupt a commonwealth, and where all are so prone to direct, but none to be directed, they could not, for even a short time, have held together any femblance of a regular fabric of government. There was one point, however, in which the directory on their elevation to power unanimously agreed. 1 The jacobinical party that had long domineered in the public councils, confident as above related, from victory over the fections of Paris, and treading in the very footsteps of Robespierre, had appointed a commission of five, for the safety of the country; and but for the bold and animated efforts of a few men would certainly have effected the flavery of France in the permanency of the convention. The directors, conscious of the general odium they, in common with the other leaders of the convention, had incurred on this attempt, and alfo of their malversation in precipitating the confideration of the new conftitution, and garbling the reports that had been made concerning its acceptance, determined to divert the minds of the nation from their own conduct, and to exhaust the publie difcontents by a profecution of the war. If this should prove fuccefsful, of which they entertained not any doubt, the merit would, in a very great degree, be reflected on themfelves, and the enemies of the directory would be regarded, by the nation at large, as enemies to the victories and glory of France. They were undoubtedly fortunate in the choice of their commanders. The fucceffes of their generals occupied and dazzled the public mind for a time; but wisdom, constancy, and purity of defign, without which no profperity can be lafting, were wanting in the fupreme councils. The armies were neglected; the tide of fuccess was turned; and finally, to thew how little that temporary fuccefs was owing to any principles inherent in the conftitution, the vaft and ftupendous genius of one man, to which chiefly the directory were indebted for a temporary |