fect it too, of inviting it into its old channels, through Perfia, Arabia, and Egypt? The route to India, by the Cape of Good Hope, being loft to all nations but England, is it not to be expected that those nations will either combine for the purpose of recovering a participation in that advantage, or attempt to open new, or rather re-open old channels of communication with the Eaft for themselves? That they have adopted the general principle of oppofing our power at fea, by their power at land, they have already difcovered, by their efforts to exclude our merchandize from Amsterdam, Venice, Genoa, Leghorn, and other ports. It is but an extenfion of the fame principle to force back the India-trade into its ancient channels. In order to evade the effects of fuch measures, a plain road lies before us. Let us entrench ourselves, as it were, in moral and facred ground, and make head against the ambitious views of France, by raising up the standard of justice: by thewing a readiness to give up all conquests, Dutch as well as French, without referve, as the price of a peace, founded on fimilar principles of justice. Can any thing be more infolently abfurd than to stand foremoft in a confederacy, against a system of ambition on the continent of Europe, while we ourselves glory in ruling the waves * with absolute sway? let us refpect neutral flags, encourage universal freedom of trade, and avow a just conviction, that all nations have but one general interest: the inviolability of private property and public

credit, of the rights of men, and the rights of nations; and free ports be opened in every part of the British dominions. We may then find fome fuccess in rouzing Europe againft oppreffion, when we ourselves have given the example of moderation and justice.

In re

Such were the outlines of the two opposite parties, which appeared at this time in Great Britain, on the fubject of peace or war, and free or forced commerce. cording public opinions, as well as actions, we do not confine ourselves merely, on every fubject, to the debates. in parliament, but pay due refpect to liberal and enlightened minds, whether expressed in public speeches, productions of the prefs, or in private conversation.

The lofs of the armament, on which the Batavian republic had expended large fums, was aggravated by the scandalous neglect of the French government, to furnish them with that naval affiftance which had been ftipulated and duly paid for. This behaviour of an ally, for whom they had made fuch facrifices, greatly abated the fervour of their attachment, and excited many complaints throughout the seven provinces. The acceptance of the money, for defraying the charges of equipment, and the diverting it to their own ufes, was a breach of faith, that disgraced them much more than they were benefited by the fums thus diverted. It so much weakened the confidence of their Dutch allies, that, ever fince, these have conftantly testified a mistrust of their most folemn affurances, that has

more than once proved highly detrimental to the interest of France.

It was imagined, at the time, that this retention of the Dutch money proceeded from a motive by which the directory doubted not to justify it. This was the great project of invading Ireland, that had long been meditated, and which they were now preparing to carry into execution. The importance of that noble ifland to Great Britain was well known. The number and bravery of its inhabitants, the fertility of the foil, abounding in all the neceffaries of life, pointed it out as an acquifition to France, that would set it above all difficulties, and put an end to the war at once, by depriving England of those supplies of men and provifions, indispensibly wanted for its armies and navies.

In this vast undertaking, the French principally relied on the cooperation of the Irish themselves. They were thoroughly acquainted with the fituation of the country, and the difcontents of the people, by means of the fecret correspondence between the French government and the heads of the malcontents, who regularly informed it of the measures that were taking, on their part, to excite a general infurrection.

The armament, defigned for this great expedition, had been preparing, at Brest, during the whole fumIt confifted of twenty-five ships of the line, including the feven that composed the squadron of admiral Richery, who was to join it with all speed, fifteen stout frigates, befide floops and transports for an army of twenty-five thousand men, to be commanded by general Hoche, whose military abilities were esteemed equal to those of any officer in the

French service, Moreau and Buoaaparte himself scarcely excepted.

Through feveral unforeseen accidentsthisarmament was not ready for failing till the eighteenth of December. On going out of Breft, fome of the largest ships struck upon the rocks, at the mouth of the harbour, and feveral were lost, and others rendered unfit for present service. The Day after its departure, a violent storm arose, which dispersed the fleet, and damaged many of the ships. This tempestuous weather lasted during the whole time of the expedition. On the twenty-fourth, admiral Bouvet, commander-in-chief of the French fleet, anchored with seven ships of the line, and ten others, in Bantry-Bay. In order to reconnoitre the country, a boat was dispatched towards shore; but it was immediately captured, and multitudes appeared on the beach in readiness to oppose a landing. After lying fome days in this bay, the storminess of the weather increased to fuch a degree, that, on receiving no intelligence of general Hoche and the principal officers, who were in a frigate that parted from the fleet, in the gale of wind that scattered it on putting to sea, the French admiral determined to quit his pofition, and make the best of his way to France. The land officers, on board, objected to this, and insisted on landing the troops; but, as general Hoche, who alone poffeft the plan of the expedition, was absent, he refused to comply with their representations, and set fail for Breft, where he safely arrived, on the last day of December. The other divisions of his fleet had also the good fortune to reach that harbour, with the lofs, however, of five ships: two of the line, and three three frigates: one of the latter was captured by the English, and two foundered at fea, with one of the former. The other, after a desperate engagement, with foine ships of the British squadron, off Breft, ran ashore to prevent the being taken.

The fate of this fleet proved, even to sense, what needed no proof in the eye of reason, that a fuperior naval force is not, in all cafes, a certain security against invafion. Ireland, notwithstanding the superiority of the English fleet, was fixteen days at the mercy of the enemy, and saved from attack only by the elements.

Such was the issue of this famous expedition: the real object of which had long kept Europe in fufpence. Some thought it Portugal, others the English outward-bound fleets. Few imagined it was so hazardous an enterprize as the invafion of Ireland. The strength of the Protestants there alone was deemed fully fufficient to repel such an at tempt, and the Roman Catholics had fo many reasons to be fatisfied with the conduct of government, that no fufpicions were entertained of any defire, on their part, to exchange their connection with England for one with France, whose treatment of those who were become its dependants, under the name of allies, afforded, certainly, no encouragement to follow their example.

The clofe of 1796 was marked by the death of Catharine II. empress of Ruffia. Catharine, as we have feen in the preceding volumes of this work, had fubdued by her policy, or her arms, the Crimea, the Cuban, with a part of the frontier of Turkey, and almost one half of Po

land. Indulging still in her ambition of conquest; inflamed, not fatiated, by fo much fuccess, the fought ftill to extend her dominion, whereever it was bounded only by that of a neighbour, not by the hand of nature. She contrived to ftretch forth, as it were, both her arms, the one in Europe, the other in Afia; but contrarily to what had been usually experienced, both by herself and predecessors, while the made a conquest of no small importance in the north of Europe, she was vigorously repelled from the fofter climate of Afia. By caresses and intrigues she induced the inhabitants of Livonia to infift on the fulfilment of an ancient convention, whereby the Courlanders were obliged to bring all their merchan dizes to Riga; though they had, on their own coafts, excellent harbours, happily situated. A quarrel, which had naturally arisen on this fubject, between the Livonians and Courlanders, was not yet terminated, when the empress fent engineers into Courland, to mark out a canal for facilitating the merchandize of that country into Livonia. The Courlanders, feeing this, and fear ing left they should be foon forced to make use of this canal, thought it better for them to be protected, than oppreffed, by the emprefs, and to be her subjects rather than hef neighbours,

Catharine, informed of these dif positions, called to her the duke of Courland, the feeble fon of the famous Biren, under the pretext of having occafion to confer with him on matters of importance. But no fooner was that prince at the foot of the throne of the Autocratrix of the north, than the states of Courland held an affembly. The nobi[04] lity Jity proposed to withdraw the country from the fupremacy of Poland, and to put it under that of Ruffia. The principle members of the grand council made a faint oppofition to this alteration, by observing, that, before they proceeded to a reso Jution, it would be expedient to wait the return of the duke. The Oberburgraff Hoven rose up, and fpoke a long time in favour of Ruffia. Some counfellors expressed themselves of his opinion, and others reproached them with treason. The difpute grew warm on both fides; challenges were reciprocally given, and fwords were about to be drawn, when the Ruffian general, Paklen, appeared in the assembly. His prefence reftored tranquillity. No one prefumed to raise his voice against Ruffia; and the proposal of the nobles was adopted. The next day the act was drawn up, by which Courland, Semigallia, and the circle of Pilten, made a formal furrender of themselves to the empress of Ruffia; and it was carried to Peterfburgh, where the duke of Courland learnt, from the mouth of his own subjects, that they themselves had deprived him of his dominions. The empress immediately fent a governor thither.

However fome discontent remain ed in Courland: discontent brought on profcription; and the poffeffions of the profcribed were given to the courtiers of Catharine. The favourite, Plato Zuboff, and his brother, Valerian, obtained a great part of those rich and shameful fpoils.

The acquifition of Courland to Ruffia was of great importance. It produces much corn, as well as time ber: in both of which articles it carries on a great commerce; and it has feveral ports advantageously

fituated on the Baltic, among which are Libau and Vindau: the first a flourishing and commercial city; the second, likely to become one day the station of the Ruffian fleets. The port of Vindau, which is never obstructed by ice, by a little improvement, might be rendered capable of containing a hundred ships of the line.

At the same time that the quietly ufurped the fovereignty of Courland, the sent out her arms against Perfia. Under pretence of defending Lof-Ali-Khan, of the race of the Sophis, the aimed at the pof fession of the Perfian provinces, which border on the Cafpian. Va lerian Zuboff, at the head of a numerous army, penetrated into the pro vince of Daghestan, and advanced to lay fiege to Derbent. His firft attack was directed against a high tower, which defended the place; and, after having made himielf master of it, and put the whole garrison to the sword, he was preparing to make an aflauit upon the town. The Perfians, intimidated by former fuccesses, and the impetuofity of the Ruffians, cried out for quarter, and the commandant, a venerable old man, of the amazing age of one hundred and twenty years, and the fame who, at the commencement of the prefent cen tury, had furrendered Debent to Peter I. came now to deliver the keys to Valerian Zuboff.

Aga Mahmed was advancing with fuccours to the relief of Derbent, when he heard that the place was already in the hands of the Russians. Valerian Zuboff came forth from the place to offer him battle, in which victory declared for the Perfians, who forced their enemies to return into Derbent. Catharine,