kingdom of Bohemia an enemy like the present, who, from day to day, arms the major part of their nation, and leads them against us; -we caused several plans to be laid before us, having for their tendency the particular security of the said kingdom of Bohemia; and though we discover in every part of them patriotic benevolence-yet we thought proper to give the preference and our approbation to the establishment of a national militia, particularly from the confideration of its combining with the defence of the country, effectual and ready for every emergency, all poffible indulgence to the inhabitants. We do hereby ordain; 1. That the measure of a national militia, for the particular defence of the kingdom of Bohemia, be immediately put in force, and that for this purpose every 20th head be enrolled out of the population of the whole country. 2. That the men thus enrolled be immediately trained in the use of arms, and in every branch of the service for which they are destined, and to which end the staff of the Bohemian general officers shall appoint the commiffioned and noncommiffioned officers. 3. In order that the men, during fuch exercise, may be kept as near as poffible to their places of refidence, the places of rendezvous shall be marked out in fuch a manner, in the different circles, that each perfon enlisted shall only have to repair to some place little distant from his own abode. 4. The men enlisted shall, during their absence from home on account of their being exercised, receive the fame treatment as the foldiers actually ferving in the field. 5. Should there be any occafion for calling any of the men thus kept in readiness into active service, they are to repair to the rendezvous pointed out to them, there to wait the farther orders of their commanders. 6. Their fole destination is to cover the frontiers of the conntry, or to be employed within its limits; but they are by no means to serve against the enemy abroad. 7. We will not only grant to those men, as long as they shall continue under arms, full pay and provifions in the same manner as the troops serving in the field, but we also order, 8. That to those who shall diftinguish themselves by their valour on proper occafions, filver and gold medals shall be granted, in the fame manner as to the real foldiers, and they shall every where wear them, as honourable marks of services rendered to their country, and enjoy at the fame time the annual penfion during life. 9. All those who shall serve in this militia, shall be for ever after confidered as peculiarly meritorious, and where equity will permit, all due preference shall be given, and every possible indulgence shewn to them. We rely, therefore, on the tried fidelity of all our Bohemian fubjects, and on that love of their country so particularly their own, that they will voluntarily and readily submit to these our orders, and that every individual, whether high or low, will use his utmost exertions, in conjunction with those of his king, to defend the kingdom from every hoftile invafion; the more so, as the present moment is most dangerous to the religion and property property of every citizen in this kingdom; and as the welfare of every one of them requires that he fhould help, with all his ftrength, to defend his family and the country, we alfo place the greatest dependence on the patriotic zeal and readiness of our Bohemian fubjects in this measure of defence, fince, as it has been fiated already, the term of fervice is but of thort duration, and only neceffary in the prefent emergency, both to defend the country, and to protect their own property, wives, and children, and fince by so doing, they will not only have the promised reward, but likewife render themselves worthy of the reputation of faithful fubjects and real friends to their country, befides gaining, in addition, the efteem, the love, and grace of their king for ever. Done at Vienna, August 21, 1796. Proclamat or of the Emperor. BY the encreasing and urgent neceffity of profecuting this expenfive war with vigour, his majefty the emperor fees himfelf conftrained to demand extraordinary fupport from his fubjects, in order not only to keep off an all-defolating enemy from his frontiers, but alfo to obtain by force a peace fo long defired in vain. But his Imperial majefty conftantly directing his thoughts towards treating his beloved fubjects with all poffible lenity, and choofing always fuch means as are the leaft burdenfome, expets that every good fubject, equally convinced of his duty. and of the presling exigencies of the flate, will frive to alleviate those wants by contributions, voluntary and proportionate to their means, in money, grain, horfes, oxen, common clothes, linen, leather, iron, steel, lead, and arms. Vienna, 18th September. Refcript addressed to the Duke of Wir•temberg, on the 10th of July, by the Imperial Court, on the Subject of Peace. WE received the letter you wrote us upon the 23d of last month. You there present your good advice with a refpectful frankness. You obferve that it only depends upon us to fecure the happiness and the safety of Germany; that a speedy peace can alone diffipate the violent ftorm which impends over the country; that this alone can remove the dangers which in fo many ways threaten the Germanic conftitution; in fine, that this alone can put a period to those unparalleled miferies under which humanity so long has groaned. At the fame time you acquaint us, that if in these difficult circumftances the danger approaches ftill nearer your ftates, you will have no refource but to submit to the law of neceffity, and to make a feparate peace with France. of The empire, in truth, defires with ardour, and bas long entertained this wish, the return peace, but connected with the juft feeling of its honour, its dignity, its independence. In this with it only comprehends a peace, equitable, just, suitable, and worthy to be accepted, which rests upon the folid bafis of the perfect fupport of its integrity and its conftitution, agreeable to ancient treaties. At the fame time, by a proper respect for these fundamental laws, it has never ceased to render its wishes and its refolutions upon this fubject fabordinate to the rigorous condi tion, that peace fo ardently defired fhould not be concluded, but agreeably to the conftitution, in a most perfect and invar able concert between the emperor, and the states. the foreign affairs of France then were governed, had very different views from coming to an amicable understanding with the empire, for the purpose of putting an end to a war into which the empire had been forced, and thus to reconcile themselves with fuffering humanity by facrificing to peace their pat fion of conquets. an The refolutions of the diet of the 22d of December, 1794, and of July laft year, become laws of the empire in virtue of our Imperial functions, very pointedly atteft this, All Germany ermany has feen the referve; and the fame spirit ferves fwer of the committee of public as a foundation to the full powers,fatety, tire contents of which were and authorities for peace, which ordered to be published by our dehave been fubmitted for our accree of the 19th of November laft. ceptance, in virtue of the refolu-This piece contains the most manition of the diet of the 7th of October, 1795, as well as for the annexed inftructions to the deputies of the empire at the congrefs for peace; inftructions which effentially proceed upon the re-establithment of peace, juft, honourable, ftable, permanent, and common to the whole empire, and which have pointedly and exprefsly as their ob-nal thame of the German name, ject the maintenance of the empire upon the footing on which it flood before the mifunderstandings which arofe with France, under the fpccial recommendation to obferve anci ent treaties. After having thus expreffed, in a manner equally conftitutional and agreeable to the interefts of the Germanic empire, its fentiments with regard to the re-effablishment of peace, the general dict, full of respectful confidence in our paternal folicitude for the common advantage of Gerraany, entreated us to negotiate, as well in our own name as in that of the Germanic body, the preliminaties of peace. We were very well difpofed to act agreeably to thefe detire; but the fr quel proved that the hideftat comnittee of public fafety, by which felt proofs of the decided repagnance of France to liden, to the pacific overtures d fired by the, ent pire, and of the clear determination of this power not to engage in immediate negotiations, till finding herself in a fituation imperioufly to dictate the conditions of peace to the empire, the could, to the eterleave her no other part in this meafure but a paffive fubfcription of the treaty. The empire being thus convinced of the refufal of the French government to make a fuitable return to the overtures which had been made, it had no other The directory, however, which We actions, actions, and all the public papers which they have issued, the marks of the inflexible obstinacy of a conqueror inflamed with pride by the fortune of his arms. Upon this point we refer to the note addressed by the French ambaffador to the plenipotentiary of his Britannic majesty, upon the 26th of May, this year. We remark, with regret, in this note, how much the spirit in which it is drawn up, the nature and extent of the demands which it contains, and the manner in which they are announced, are remote from a reciprocal defire of peace. We are not mistaken even in confidering this very note as a new proof of the averfion of the French government to enter into negociations with the empire united under its constitutional head, since, in effect, if we compare that note -with the above-mentioned answer of the committee of public safety, we find that both absolutely announce the fame political maxims; to which we must likewife add, that the note of the directory demands, as an invariable preliminary of peace, a ftatus quo relatively to the countries conquered by the enemy, and united in virtue of its decree, which cannot in any way be reconciled with the basis of peace laid down by the diet. To divide, to conquer, and to rule, is the fpirit of the egotist policy of France. But every divifion infers a diminution of strength in the measures of resistance of the whole, and which must neceffarily lead to the dismemberment, to the devaftation, to the dependance, to the fubjection, and, in tine, more or less rapidly, to the decompofition of our refpectable conftitution. Concord, on the contrary, firm ness, the love of our country, and the faithful observance of the laws, are the first duties of fociety; the dearest and more sacred duties of every vassal of the empire, when our common country is menaced, is the most eminent and effential object of all political societies, its safety and preservation. Such is the object of the fundamental constitution of the German empire, which renders all the individual means of refiftance possfeffed by the states of the empire fubordinate to the direction of one fupreme authority, and prohibits in the most forcible manner the conclufion of a separate peace during a general war of the empire. But, independent. ly of this confideration, it is not less certain that it is to act against all experience to reckon upon the very rare instance of the generosity of the enemy, and to expect only, from the magnanimity and love of juftice, a peace that can be accepted, instead of conftraining them to grant it by force of arms, In fine, we find a manifeft contradiction in not ceasing to defire an object, and yet failing to proportion the means by which it is to be attained to the magnitude of the dangers interpof ed. The example of the invincible conftancy and vigour with which the enemy exert themselves to exe cute their plans, ought to afford to the citizens of Germany a fufficient motive of emulation to excite them to the most obftinate refiftance, and to the defence of their political and religious conftitution. After this faithful difclofure of circumstances we put it to your judgment to decide, whether, how ever much we are difposed to reHore peace to the empire, as foon as it can be established on an honourable nourable and folid basis, it depends entirely upon us to grant this bles fing to Germany; whether it confifts with our authority as chief of the empire to fanction a peace upon whatever terms separately concluded with the enemy of the empire? In fine, whether at a moment when we have to choose between the dismemberment and the union of the empire, between the diffolution and the establishment of the conftitution, between honour and shame, whether, in this critical fituation, we are not rather warranted to require, in the name of the country and the conftitution, in the name of all the flates which. have been pillaged and laid waste, in virtue of oaths still subsisting, and promises frequently and folemnly renewed by the electors, princes, and states of the empire; in fine, by our own example and the facrifices which we have made for the public interest, whether, we say, we are not warranted juftly to require the undivided co-operation of all and every of the states of the empire in the defence of a cause so juft, and for accelerating that peace which is so earnestly defired by the Germanic states? If a difference of fentiment manifested in your letter of the end of last month was the cause to us of confiderable anxiety, it was not long before our tranquillity was reftored, by the news that when the dangers of war approached your ftates, you did not allow yourself to be betrayed by fear, nor by the dictates of a deceitful policy, into any unconstitutional measures; but that, on the contrary, animated by sentiments of honour, and by a courage worthy of a German prince, you opposed the danger with which you were threatened with the most effectual means of resistance, both by sending against the common enemy a great part of the garrison of Stutgard and Louisburg, and by giving instant orders to put the militia of Wirtemberg immediately in motion, who made a body of 12,000 men, in general well disciplined. Accept upon this subject the affurances of our Imperial satisfaction and fincere regard. These difpofitions, so worthy of you, inspire us with the confidence that no confideration will thake your sentiments, and that weighing confcientioufly the duties which, as a ftate of the empire, you have to discharge to us and to the law, you will perfift in your patriotic resolution to continue, till the re-establishment of a general peace for the empire, to fupport the common cause with all your force. By these means you will not only render efsential service to Germany, but to the immortal honour of your house: you will deserve to have your name enrolled in the annals of Germany among those princes who have most contributed to its lustre. Resolution presented to the Emperor by the States of Hungary, in Answer to bis Majesty's Proofitions. THE propofitions addressed on the part of his Apoftolic majesty to the ftates furnithes them a fresh proof of the confidence which his majesty always reposed in the unfhaken fidelity of his faithful Hungarian nation, in deigning to recollect and confirm the bravery which their ancestors have always displayed in fupport of the auguit house of Austria: his majetty bas given a farther testimony of his paternal confidence, in reprefent |