Mr. Poinsett, United States minister to Mexico, was appointed commissioner to Panama in place of Mr. Anderson, deceased, and Mr. Sergeant, his colleague, repaired to Mexico, to be present when the congress should reassemble at Tacubaya. The congress did not assemble, however, at the appointed time, and there being no prospect of another session at any specified period, Mr. Sergeant returned to the United States. The causes of this unexpected issue of a measure which promised in its commencement to do so much to meliorate the condition of mankind, by diminishing the causes as well as the evils of war, it is believed, were occasioned by the internal commotions of Colombia and Peru, and the apprehension which existed in South America of the ambitious designs of Bolivar.*

The nineteenth Congress passed but few acts of general interest at their first session, nor was it distinguished by any important measures, excepting the sanction given to the Panama mission. Nearly all the propositions which were called for by the public voice, were defeated, either from want of time for their consideration, or by an influence which seemed to exert itself for the purpose of rendering the administration unpopular. This was, perhaps, to have been expected, in the state of parties as then existing, and the powerful combination which was forming for the purpose of overthrowing the administration.

The disposition of this Congress was, however, favorable to objects of internal improvement. In addition to fifty thousand dollars appropriated for general surveys, specific appropriations were made for the survey of a canal route across Florida, for sundry postroads, and for continuing and repairing the Cumberland road. One hundred and fifty thousand dollars were authorized to be subscribed on the part of the government, to the stock of the Dismal Swamp Canal Company, and three fifths of the five per cent. reserved from the proceeds of the public lands in Mississippi were given to that state for the purposes of internal improvement. Appropriations were also made for the survey of various harbors on the seacoast, and for the deepening of their channels, as well as to secure them from storms. The execution of these several acts for internal improvement was intrusted to the war department.

A bill making appropriation for the officers and soldiers of the continental army who had served during the war of the revolution, was introduced and ably advocated, but opposition and want of time caused its postponement.

To provide for the increasing wants of the people in the western states having business in the United States courts, a bill was reported by the committee of the judiciary, for two additional justices of the supreme court, and for holding circuit courts in the new states. This bill passed the house by a large majority, but the amendments proposed by the senate were not concurred in by the house, and thus the bill was lost. An • American Annual Register.

appropriation of the public lands was made in all the townships belonging to the United States, where lots had not been previously set apart for that object. Authority was given at this time for preparing a treatise at the expense of the general government, on the culture of the silkworm, and of mulberry-trees, and for giving information on the manufacture of silk in the United States.

The discordance in the materials of the opposition prevented any harmonious concert of action and purpose at this first session of the nineteenth Congress, but during the vacation and the succeeding session, great progress was made toward a stricter union, and before the expiration of the term of that Congress, in March, 1827, the party had assumed a consistent shape. General Jackson was nominated by the legislature of Tennessee, as early as October, 1825, as a candidate for president, to succeed Mr. Adams. This nomination was formally accepted by him, in an address delivered before both branches of the legislature, in which he resigned his seat in the senate of the United States. The strong insinuations in this address against the propriety of the last election by Congress, plainly indicated General Jackson's dissatisfaction at the result, and manifested a willingness to sanction an opposition to the administration on the ground of its corrupt origin. The charge of corruption at the recent election, by bargain and intrigue between Messrs. Adams and Clay, was more directly countenanced by the general, in a letter to Mr. Carter Beverley, of Virginia, published in the papers in 1827. The adherents of the vice-president sustained the charge of corruption against the administration, in debates in Congress, uniting cordially in this and other respects, with the original friends and supporters of General Jackson.

That numerous portion of the opposition to the administration who had been attached to the political fortunes of Mr. Crawford, were still unwilling to adopt General Jackson as the next candidate for the presidency, in opposition to Mr. Adams; but it soon became apparent that no other course was left to them, if success was desired, but to acquiesce in his support. Accordingly, it was announced early in 1827, by a leading opposition member from Virginia, that the combinations for effecting the elevation of General Jackson, were nearly complete, and, in fact, greater concert was manifested in their party movements after that time.

The strong popular vote which, in despite of the efforts of the Adams, Clay, and Crawford parties, the general had received at the last election, probably had much effect in inducing the friends of Mr. Crawford to come to the conclusion to support him. It furnished, ready formed, a large capital which the Crawford party saw they could add to their own, simply by consenting to receive it. The united electoral votes for Jackson and Crawford, in 1824, they remembered, were 140, while those for Adams and Clay were but 121. They knew, too, that in the chivalric bravery of General Jackson, his brilliant success in the late war, and the many pop

ular and fascinating points in his character, would, when supported by such a compact, disciplined association as was the Crawford party in many of the states, render this extraordinary man irresistible as a candidate before the people. If he was subject to rashness and precipitancy, they thought they could surround him with friends and advisers who would keep him within due bounds. True, the Crawford men had, in 1824 and 1825, manifested the utmost horror at the least prospect of his election, and Mr. Crawford himself was known to have expressed very unfavorable opinions of him; but a better knowledge of the man, and above all, a kind of political necessity, had materially changed their views.*

The charge of bargain and intrigue made by General Jackson and some of his friends, against Messrs. Adams and Clay, was met by Mr. Clay, the secretary of state, in a body of testimony, which was thought, by a large portion of the reading public, to overthrow the accusation against him, and convinced many that in voting for Mr. Adams, in the house of representatives, Mr. Clay and his friends conscientiously discharged their duty. Still, the opposition papers continued to dwell upon the charge, and doubtless many persons retained their original unfavorable impressions on this subject. But the opposition to the administration had now become so fully matured, that it no longer needed the aliment which had first given life and vigor to it.

The course of the administration itself, with regard to appointments to office, tended to promote the objects of the opposition, and to accelerate its own downfall. Following up the principle promulgated in his inaugural address, of administering the government without regard to party, Mr. Adams had only considered, in the candidates for offices, their qualifications and integrity, and had not inquired whether they were friendly or hostile to his administration. The correctness of this proposition as an abstract principle, is unquestionable; but the propriety of its application in practice, depends entirely upon the circumstances under which the government is placed; and it is in the application of general maxims to such circumstances that the sagacity of the statesman is developed. No doctrine of political toleration requires a prostration of the party in power at the feet of the minority. Such, however, was the effect of the policy adopted by the president, in his selection of public officers. From an over-anxiety to avoid the appearance of rewarding political partisans, he conferred such offices as became vacant upon those who either used the influence acquired from their stations, against the government; or who sought, by a cold neutrality, to conciliate the esteem of its inveterate opponents.

This hostile spirit also existed among many of those whom the administration found in office, and who were continued in their stations by its liberality.

In this manner, the influence derived from the patronage of the general Hammond's Political History.

government was exercised against it, rather than in its favor; and the singular spectacle was presented, of an administration openly and violently opposed by those whose influence in society, and whose very means of subsistence, were dependent upon its will.*

The members of the cabinet, with the exception of Mr. Clay, the secretary of state, were unable to bring to the aid of the administration the support and political influence that might reasonably have been anticipated. The friends of Mr. Clay, throughout the Union, with but comparatively few exceptions, gave a zealous support to the administration; but Mr. Rush, secretary of the treasury, and Mr. Barbour, secretary of war, who had been attached to the Crawford party, could not effect any impor tant change in the political character of states so irrevocably hostile to Mr. Adams as Pennsylvania and Virginia. The secretary of the navy, Samuel L. Southard, who was appointed by Mr. Monroe, December 9, 1823, and continued in office by Mr. Adams, exercised his influence effectively in New Jersey, his native state, which had voted for General Jackson in 1824, but now supported the administration of Mr. Adams. Mr. Wirt, the attorney-general, was not an active politician, nor is it probable that he could have produced any important effect in Virginia. The postmaster-general, John M'Lean, although professedly neutral in the contest, was believed to prefer General Jackson to Mr. Adams. Thus unfortunately, in every point of view, was the administration placed; and to the eye of careful observers, its destiny, it appeared probable, was to endure only for the single term of four years.

The second session of the nineteenth Congress was held from the 4th of December, 1826, to the 3d of March, 1827. But few laws of an important or general character were passed at this session, though others were urged with great zeal and ability by several members. There was, at this period, a very strong feeling in Congress as to the theory and views of the executive; and with many a disposition to scrutinize closely the recommendations of the president. Some supposed his objects were visionary, and he was charged with entertaining such views of the constitution as that national internal improvements might justly be made, though there might be large expenditures in their execution.

An appropriation of thirty thousand dollars was made for repairs on the Cumberland road; lands were reserved for seminaries of learning in Louisiana, in Florida, and in Arkansas; and a grant of public lands was made to the asylum of the deaf and dumb in Kentucky. A bill was introduced in the senate by Mr. Dickerson, of New Jersey, an opposition senator, for distributing a certain part of the surplus of the public revenue among the several states. But the proposition was not received with much favor; and, after a short discussion, the bill was denied a second reading. The plan originated in a wish to maintain state power and rights, and to pre• American Annual Register.

vent great expenditures by the national government, which would naturally increase the influence and patronage of the latter.*

Great efforts were again made at this session of Congress for the passage of a bankrupt law. The bill introduced at the last session, by Mr. Hayne, of South Carolina, was now taken up, and ably discussed by the mover and others, but the bill was opposed, and finally defeated, on the pretence that it would operate particularly for the relief of merchants, and would be of no benefit to the other classes of citizens.

The subject of commercial intercourse with the British colonies was also discussed at great length at this session. It was one of peculiar interest and importance; for the trade with the British ports in the West Indies was so restricted by acts of parliament, that it could be pursued with but little profit by the citizens of the United States. Both branches of Congress had a bill prepared on this subject; they did not differ materially; but it was said in the house, that the bill before the senate did not fully protect the interests of American merchants trading to those ports; and no law was enacted, as was proposed and expected. The difference might have been adjusted by a committee of conference of both houses, as is usual in cases of disagreement; but this was not done in season, and the close of the session prevented it. And on the 17th of March, by virtue of a law passed three years before, the president declared, by proclamation, that the trade with those ports was prohibited; as the discriminating duties of the British government had not been removed.†

The sum of thirty thousand dollars was appropriated for improving the navigation of the Ohio river. Grants of the public lands were made to the states of Illinois and Indiana, to aid those states in making canals; also to the state of Ohio, for the purpose of aiding in the construction of a road from Columbus to Sandusky. For the gradual improvement of the navy the sum of five hundred thousand dollars per annum, for six years, was appropriated.

A bill for imposing additional duties on imported woollen goods, for the purpose of aiding American manufactures, was brought forward at an early day of the session. In February, 1827, near the close of the session, the bill passed the house, but it was rejected in the senate by the casting vote of the vice-president. President Adams was considered friendly to the system of protection to domestic manufactures by adequate duties on imports of similar articles, but in his messages to the nineteenth Congress he expressed no opinion on the subject, an omission which greatly dissatisfied the manufacturers.

A proposition was made in the house of representatives, to reimburse to those persons who had been fined under the sedition law of 1798, the amount which they had paid, and an indemnity for loss of time, &c.; but the proposition was not received with favor by the majority of the house, † Ibid.

• Bradford.